Democratic Practice and Challenges in Bangladesh: A General Overview
Bangladesh emerged as an independent state in 1971 on the basic principles of secularism, nationalism, socialism and democracy. But after the assassination of Bangabandhu, military rule was established in the country and democratic progress was severely hampered. After the fall of the military ruler in the face of a mass uprising in 1990, the countrys first free and fair elections were held in 1991. This was a very positive and very important first step on the path of multi-party democracy. But subsequently, due to the lack of consensus among politicians on some fundamental issues, democratic progress is being hampered in this country due to instability and continuous political crises. Therefore, this researcher has tried to find out the challenges of democracy in Bangladesh.
Democracy is the voice of the people which creates institutions and these institutions in turn control the government and mate it possible to change it without violence in this sense, the demos the people, is the sovereign that gives legitimacy to the institutions of democracy (Ralf, 2000). Democracy is believed to deliver better political and social alternatives to its supporters and its existence depends on performances. It always add value and it is associated with so many good things (Jalal, 2020).
The principal impetus to the independence of Bangladesh was the building up of a democratic political system for its people. To that end, immediately after the independence, democracy was adopted as one of the state principles in the constitution of Bangladesh framed in 1972 (Siddique, 2013). The Journey towards democracy is not a novel phenomenon for Bangladesh. The people of Bangladesh struggled for a democratic political system for long years. Consequently, democratization became an inherent aspect of the spirit of the liberation war of Bangladesh. But the process of democratization that started in Bangladesh following the liberation was not very encouraging. It has proceeded in the midst of ups and downs. The role of the government and the opposition was not conductive to democratizing the political system during the first decade of Bangladesh.
Institutionalization of democracy, which is required for democratic stability, was hampered. Mainly by the ruling party, it contributed to the continuation of the movement for democratization by the opposition political parties for which the people of Bangladesh struggled. As a result, democratization process proceeded in an uncertain manner (Siddique, 2013).
Research methods
The researcher has followed the descriptive method to conduct the research. In the relevant field, information has been collected with the help of relevant books, magazines, journals, newspapers, research reports, various branches of public administration, various media and websites like Google. While collecting relevant information, the researcher has used the Central Library, Seminar Library of the Department of Political Science and History of Rajshahi University.
Objective of the study
Conceptual Analysis
Democracy
The first attested use of the word democracy is found in prose works of the 430 BC, such as Herodotus Histories, but its usage was older by several decades, as two Athenians born in the 470s were named democrats, a new political name likely in support of democracy. The term democracy first appeared in ancient Greek political and philosophical though in the city state of Athens during classical antiquity. It is commonly known that the English word democracy has originated from two Greek words demos and Krates. To identify the origin of the idea of democracy scholars normally start from the direct democracy of the ancient city state of Athens (Jalal, 2012).
Athenian democracy was initiated in 507 BC which lasted until 322 BC. The peak period for Athenian democracy was 460 to 330 BC. The democratic system had six components (1). The assembly, (2) The Nomothetai, (3) The peoples court, (4) The boards of magistrates, (5) The council of five hundred and (6) Hoboulomenos (individual citizens) (Manus, 1997). The Athenian democracy is considered as the historical root of democracy. The levelers were the first generation who thought of representative government within a nation state (Jalal, 2012). The American revolution of 1776 immensely influenced the evolution of democracy as a faith and as an ideology. The revolution made Americans the first people in the modern world to possess a truly democratic government and society (Wood, 2003). The French revolution of 1789 is very important for democracy. The main slogan of the revolution was liberty, equality and fraternity. The revolution toppled the king proclaimed the rights of man and destroyed the ancient regime (Jalal, 2012).
The third wave of democracy starts after the end of communism in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe this tumultuous political collapse. This third wave times is very important for democracy. According to Francis Fukuyama (a deputy director of the us state Department) two factors led to the cessation of history and to the victory of democracy. The first one is the natural science and the other, the human struggle for recognition (Lioyd, 2003). Democracy thus means power of the people. It is now regarded as a form of government in which the people rule themselves either directly, or indirectly through their representatives. Definitions of democracy, as a form of government are various. But like many other definitions in political science, They in their content and application (Jalal, 2012). The French writer de Tocqueville Alex is considered as one of the great theorists and advocates of democracy. In his famous work, Democracy in America, he has explicitly elaborated his idea of democracy is on the one hand a social arrangement and on the other hand, a political system (Holmes, 1999). MacIver says, “Democracy is not a way of governing, whether by majority or otherwise, but primarily a way of determining who shall govern and broadly, to what ends (R.M, 2008). This involves a freedom of choice in selecting the rulers and the consent of the electors that those who receive the mandate should alone rule. It means that democracy has a popular base and it hinges upon the consent of the governed. The consent of the people must be real active and effective in order to make it a genune democracy. Eternal vigilance is the very life of democracy, of democracy can really claim, in the words of president Abraham Lincoln, to be a government of the people by the people and for the people. Democracy according to Bryce, is a form of qualified citizens to constitute the great bulk of the inhabitants (D. J., 1990; Jony et al., 2019).
Democracy is that form of government in which the mass of the population possesses the mass of the population possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign power (R.G., 2000). Lord Bryce defined, “Democracy is the these words the Words Democracy has been used ever since the time of Herodotus to denote that form of government in which the ruling power of a state is legally vested, not in any particular class or classes, but it the members of the community as whole” Rober A Dahl was a milestone in democratic theory. Robert A Dahl has affirmed five requirements for an ideal democratic process These are (1) effective participation by citizens. (2) Voting quality among citizens, (3) Enlightened understanding, (4) Exclusive opportunity to decide and (5) demons must include all adult members except transients and persons proved to be mentally defective. Dahl concludes that if democracy is the ideal. The five criteria, taken together, are the standard by which political processes ought to be judged (Parthas & Eric, 1999). Al last we can say democracy always adds value and it is associated with so many good things.
Democratic Practice
The components of democratic practice within societies may be operationalzed to enable the level of democratic practice to be measured and compared. At the level of internal or local polities, the constituents of the level of dictatorship. Democratic Practices are ways citizens can work together to address shared problems. It routine is done in ways that are open to citizens. The routines can become democratic practices. Democratic practice involves a constant struggle between society and state in which dictatorship and the state provides what is considers a balanced miniature. The components of democratic practice within societies may be operationalized to enable the level of democratic practice to be measured and compared. According to David Mathews, There are seven democratic practices (i) Creating public space in which citizens can do their work (ii) Naming problems interms held valuable by citizens (iii) Framing issues for making deliberative choices (iv) Deliberating openly together to make choices that create common ground for complementary action (v) Securing commitments to act together (vi) Acting publicly (vii) Turing evaluation into civic learning.
Proper democratic practices depends on countrys governance. The democratic ideal of human rights and liberties being implemented in the foundation of a countrys rules. By the proper working of a voting system, full government openness and transpires, representative institution, rule of law, freedom of speech media freedom, free and fair election citizen participation, majority rule constitutional government are essential for democratic practices. Media individual freedoms include freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion and the right of a fair trial (R.C., 1970).
Democratic practice in Bangladesh: An overview
Political history of South Asia particularly the condition leading to the Bengali struggle for Justice and freedom attempts to capture ubiquitous conflicted between security and Justice implicitly or explicitly underscored through militarization versus democratization process. In most developing countries with a special focus on Bangladesh (Kamruddin, 1975). After the second world wara process of decolonization began when a number of former colonies of Britain and France broke the clutches of colonialism and become independent. Following Independence, many of these countries experimented western type of liberal democracy and hoped that the cherished aspirations of their masses for a democratic order would be fulfilled through well functioning of this new frame work (Jalal, 2012). Aspiration for democratic rule gradually developed among the people of Bangladesh at different times. During the colonial rule Bangladesh experienced a pseudo democracy. The British colonial government introduced tutelary democracy to face the growing movement against the British rule in India virtually British government was not interested to introduce parliamentary democracy in India. The experience of limited democratic rights under the British government made the people conscious about their democratic rights. This consciousness prompted the people of British-India to launch movement against the colonial government for establishing self rule in India. This movement of the people eventually brought an end to colonial rule in India by creating two independent states, Pakistan and India, under Indian Independence Act of 1947 (Rahman, 2013). From the independence of Pakistan to present Bangladesh. The practice of democracy are divided following periods.
Democratic practice in Pakistan period
The political history of the Pakistan period form1947 to 1971 is the history of continuous struggle for democracy and democratic system. The creation of Pakistan is a novel experiment in the history of nation building (Choudhwry, 2020). The new state of Pakistan was comprised of two wings, west Pakistan and East Pakistan. At the time of foundation the two wings of Pakistan had not only been two peculiar geographic locations, repeated by more than one thousand miles of foreign territory and deep differences in culture, language and life style, the Pakistanis were also inhabitants of completely separate poles practicing democratic values and norms (Jalal, 2012). Pakistan obtained parliamentary from of government according to the independence Act of 1947. But the ruling elites of Pakistan did not pay proper regard to democracy in running the state. It did not take any effective measures for democratizing the political system of Pakistan. In real sense, parliamentary form of government was never put into effect during the period (1947-1971) of integrated Pakistan (Mokbul, 2007). The idea of constitutional government and that of democratic process had come into dispute (Zillur,1948). Disregard to democracy by the ruling elites of Pakistan deprived the majority people, who lived in Bangladesh (Then East Pakistan), of their democratic rights. Lack of democratic rule in Pakistan created a sense of deprivation in the minds of the people of Bangladesh which prompted them to launch movements for establishing democratic rights. After that immediately the people of Bangladesh (East Pakistan) started movement for cultural and political autonomy. In 1949 1950 and 1952 the language and Autonomy movements dominated the political scenario of Bangladesh. The students and enlightened sections of the society organized these movements.
In the Provincial elections of 1954 the ruling ML. was defected by the united front (uf), a coalition of opposition political parties of East Bengal. Autonomy of East Bengal now Bangladesh was the principal point of the UF in the election. Provincial Legislative elections were held in East Bengal between 8 and 12 March 1954. The opposition united front led by the Awami league and Krishak Sramik Party won a landslide victory with 223 of the 309 seats. In that election, the united front (Awami Muslim League 143, Krishak-Praja 48. Nezame-Islami 19. Left Democratic Party 13, Won 223 out of 237 Muslim seats in the provincial assembly elections and the Muslim League won only 10 seats. Besides out of 72 non-Muslim seats, united front got 13 seats.
Post-Independence Democratization and Practice (Period 1972-1975)
After a devastating and bloody war Bangladesh emerged as an independent state and to consolidate a democratic system the country was able to make her mark in the beginning (Rahman,1948). Resembling other newly emergent nation states the foremost post liberation priority in Bangladesh had been the construction of national polity and appropriate political structure for the country (Abul Fazal, 2011). In a period of three and half years many spectacular successes were achieved. A state government was established a constitution was drafted which was, at the end of debates, finalized, political parties, new and old, were allowed to form and function, first parliamentary election was held a new parliament was formed and the parliament elected a new government, parliamentary procedures were adapted, parliamentary committees were formed and other parliamentary activities were at work (Abul Fazal, 2011). Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation with a commitment of establishing democratic political system within a very short time after independence, it is able to made a constitution by the Bangladesh. Stability of democracy with the adoption of the constitution in November, 1972 and the holding of general election in March, 1973.The election result effect positively in our democracy. The results of the first general election is shown below
Table 1: Results of the First General Election, 1973 (Party Position).
Name
of political Parties |
Seatss
Contested |
Seat
won |
%
of votes secured |
Awami League |
289 |
282 |
73-20 |
National Awmi Party-Muzafar (nap-m) |
224 |
- |
8.33 |
JatioSamajtanntrik Dal JSD |
237 |
1 |
6.52 |
National Awami Party Bhashani
(NAP-B) |
169 |
- |
5.32 |
Bangladesh Jatio League |
8 |
1 |
0.33 |
banglajatio League |
11 |
- |
0.28 |
Communist Party of Bangladesh CPB |
4 |
|
0.25 |
Sramik-KrishakSamajbadi Dal |
3 |
|
0.20 |
Communist Party of Bangladesh
(Werinist) |
2 |
|
0.10 |
Bangladesh Sramik Federation |
3 |
|
0.06 |
The Communist party of Bangla |
3 |
|
0.06 |
Bangla Chhatra union |
1 |
|
0.04 |
Bangladesh Jatio Congress |
3 |
|
0.02 |
JatioGanatantri Dal |
1 |
|
0.01 |
Independents |
120 |
5 |
5.25 |
Total |
1078 |
289 |
100 |
Source: Some Bangladesh Election Commission Report on the First general election to parliament in Bangladesh, Dhaka 1973.
In the election of 1973, 55.62 Percent of the registered voters exercised their franchise and the Al won a massive victory obtaining 282 of the 289 contested seats with 73.20 percent of the valid votes (See Table 1). Massive electoral success in the national level led the Awami League consolidate its power base at the local polities (Chaudhwry,1995). So the Awami League government decided to organize the local government elections. The government, before the local level elections, preformed the local government system and formed the union “Panchayet” by the presidential order No. 7 of 1972. It introduced the provision for directly elected chairman the vice chairman in the local councils. Ultimately a new party named Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) was formed by the breakaway portion from the ruling party. JSD propagated the ideology of scientific socialism. The JSD started its activities with the criticism of the government within a short period it called for protest, demonstration and strike against the government it successfully called general strike. The first election of 1973 was very important for the democracy of Bangladesh. The role of legislature may be measured by the extent of imitative and its exercise for democratic practice. For the practicing democracy, it is very important the level of education and socio-economic background.
Educational and socio-economic Background of the member of the First parliament
During the parliamentary regime, the first parliament sat for about 410 hours in 114 work days in seven sessions. In these sessions 118 bills were introduced in the house, all of them by ministers. Though private members (MPs other than ministries) were entitled to initiate bills (Rouna,2005). not a single notice of private members bill was received by the parliament secretariat, out of the 118 bills, the house passed 112 including four constitutional amendment and eight financial bills. As shown in Table 3, 55 (49%) of the 112 bills were promulgated earlier by the president in the form of ordinance which were subsequently introduced in the house for approval.
Legislative output of the first parliament during the parliamentary Regime
The position and authority of the first legislature were considerably condensed through the passing of constitutional amendment bills, more specifically the second and the fourth. A modification in the constitution were went in opposition to the democratic practice and was incompatible with the Awami Leagues past political commitments as the champion of democracy and peoples rights (Golom, 19548). It was very important for Bangladesh as well or democracy to formed a new parliament. The parliament elected a new government, parliamentary procedures were adapted parliamentary committees were formed and other parliament activities were at work. But the successes of the first government of Bangladesh, led by the founder of the state Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Period of 1975-1981
One of the main trends and techniques of polities of previous period was that political elites and political parties, especially the opposition parties, completely unable to erect alternative institutions and leadership. After a number of coups and counter coups, Ziaur Rahman emerged as strongman (Golam, 1948). From 1975 to 1981. The military ruler followed a number of common strategies of governance and party building. He had his own plans of restoring democracy in the country in phases from local to the national level. His arrangement had been first to hold union parishad elections in January 1977 to be followed by presidential and Jatiya Sangsad elections (Moudud, 1995). After consolidation his power Zia proceeded towards liberalizing the political system. To that end the military government promulgated the political parties Regulation (PPR) which allowed the political parties to conduct“ indoor polities” in controlled manner (Zillur, 2012).
He adopted the provision in the constitution for women development as a state principle. It was inserted in the constitution that steps shall be taken to ensure the participation of women in all spheres of national life (Moudud,1995). Since his assumption of power Zia had been proceeding towards the civilian rule. Assumption of presidency was the most appropriate vehicle for his own transition to civilian political leadership. After assuming the presidency Zia initiated the process democratization. To democratize his regime, in his first address to the nation as president, Zia committed to hold general elections in December 1978 (Moudud,1995).
In this period Zia has tried to democratized the system by changing it from previous government rule to multi-party arrangement (Abul Fazal, 2011). It is said that Zia, though a soldier, has established democracy and he is the architect of multiparty democratic system in the country. But the rule of this regional sowed seeds which grew with enormous evil consequences on the democratic evolution of the country.
Firstly, Zias decisions to introduce constitutional changes and many other important steps reopened several controversies. Zia changed state principles and replaced secularism by truest and faith in the almighty and replaced secularism by trust and faith in the almighty and redefined socialism as economic and social justice. He changed national identify from ‘Bengali to Bangladesh secondly, Zia is the first ruler who used various government individuals. Polities was not the politicians business. Rather agency people were given responsibility to plan, buy and if necessary threaten and oppositions.
Thirdly, Zias main support base was the army and he always attempted to please has constituency. Zia tries to negotiate with the weaker and smaller parties (Rounaq, 2015). All the left parties agreed that Bangladesh revolution remained incomplete and the emancipation lay in the socialist transformation. Differences among the left parties could hardly be explained by the class origin of their leadership.
Demographic Characteristics of members of the central Executive committees of the left parties
Most of the left parties belonging to the second group as well as the Jatio Janata party and the peoples League were new formations under the PPR. none of them having mass following or effective organization. General Zia primary relied on the military and civil bureaucracy. Gradually he build up a popular support base for himself. Eventually, a new political party named Jatiotaladi Gonotantrik Dal (JAGODAL) was formed at the instance of president Zia, which received government approval on 22 February, 1978. The JAGODAL professed democracy. The Jatiotabadi Front (JF) comprised the JAGODAL, Nap-B Upp, ML labour party and the TafsilJati federation, General Ziaur Rahman being its presidential candidate. Both the JF and the Go but made no specific commitment about their role in the presidential election which according to it could hardly ensure democracy on fundamental and political rights of the people. The presidential election of 1978 turned out to be a straight height between the JF and the Goj.
Period of 1982-1990
The assassination of General Zia in May, 1981 necessitated a midterm election to hill in vacant post of president. The opposition parties took this opportunity to reopen the old constitutional controversies. Most of them raised the demand for the restoration of parliamentary system, some insisting on holding the election of a sovereign parliament first. But they were not prepared to carry the constitutional wrangle to a point that might create conditions of instability providing the military an opportunity to re-intervene and therefore, participated in the presidential election held on 15 November, 1981(Bangladesh Observers, 1981). Against Dr. Kamal Hossain, the no mince of the Al-led alliance agencies were reputed to have played a key role, could not consolidate sattars hold on power (Rahman,2013). Vice-president Justice Abdus Sattar who was also the acting president, was nominated as the presidential candidate by the BNP. Islamic parties and a section of the extreme left supported Sattar because of their anti- Al anti India sentiments. The secular and moderate left parties, which advocated the reformation of the 1972 constitution, made efforts to forge a united front against the ruling party. But they failed to agree on a common candidate and contested the election separately. While the opposition parties raised the constitutional question as a majore issue, the BNP made peace and progress the main theme of its election campaign (Biehira, 1983).
Political ambition of the military surfaced within a few monts after the assassination of president Zia. During the period of sattar government, that came to power after Zia, the CAS, H.M. Ershad gave some undesirable public statements about the governance of the state. Weakness of the government, Severe internal conflict of the ruling party and lack of farmless of the opposition to resist mantal law created a favorable situation for the military to assume state power. Ershad mobilized the whole armed forces in support of taking the state power. For obvious reason, people did not welcome the coming of military to the state power military rulers of the developing nations usually announce their objectives commitments and justification of military rule at the time of taking state power. In the ease of Bangladesh, Ershad also did almost the same things in support of promulgating martial law like the other coup leaders of developing nations. On 23 march 1982, The day before taking power, Ershad convinced a conference of the army officers in the Army Headquarter. He could realize that without the total support of the military, assumption of the state power and elected government might create a bloody situation in the country (Jalal, 2012). The constitution was suspended and martial law was imposed throughout the country. Like Zia, General Ershad also sought to retain the existing system of government and hold the presidential election first to establish his personal legitimacy. But the opposition parties were not prepared to participate in the election under martial law. A 15-party alliance led by the Al demanded the withdrawal of martial law and transfer of power to a “Sovereign parliament” elected on the basis of the 1972 constitution. A 7 party combine led by the BNP also demanded the withdrawal of martial law but preferring the presidential system insisted upon the revival of the constitution as suspended in 1982 and holding of election on the basis of that constitution. Thus the major parties were united against the martial law administration of General Ershad but they differed as to the constitutional structure. However, in September 1983 the two alliances agreed on a 5-point programme as the basis of anti-Martial law movement (Daly Sangbad,1984). As a compromise formula, the government proposed the holding of the presidential and parliamentary election simultaneously on the same date 27 may, 1984. But in the face of stiff opposition from the major alliances and parties it had to postpone the proposed elections. In this period the opposition parties call and observe hartals to compel the government to realize their demands. From 1982-1989 hartals observed the following table.
Table 2: Hartals observed during the period from 1982-1989.
SI |
Period |
hartal
days |
1 |
1982-1989 |
328 |
Year | Number of candidates | Total | |
Male | Female |
| |
1986 | 1409 | 20 | 1429 |
1988 | 971 | 7 | 978 |
Date | Program | Area Covered | Time | Called by |
23.03.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 6 hours | AL, JP |
10.04.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | AL, JP |
26.04.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | AL. JP |
30.06.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | JI an Anti-communal students society |
30.07.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 8 hours | AL and SBCS |
15.08.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 6 hours | AL |
18.08.94 | Strike | Country wide | 24 hours | PROKRICHI |
13.09.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | AL, JP and JI |
23.09.94 | Strike | Country wide | 24 hours | PROKRICHI |
27.09.94 | Road, Rail way blocked | Country wide | 12 hours | AL JP and JI |
10.11.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 8 hours | LDF |
13.11.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | AL JP and JI |
29.11.94 | Raod and Railway block | Country wide | 6 hours | AL JP and JI |
7.12.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 30 hours | AL. J P and JI |
24.12.94 | Block de road rail and ways | Country wide | 8 hours | AL JP and JI |
29.12.94 | Hartal | Country wide | 6 hours | AL, JP and JI |
19.01.95 | Baricade (road rail and water waps) | Country wide | 6 hours | AL JP and JI |
22.01.95 | Barricade | Country wide | 72 hours | Four Trade union bodies and Federation |
25.01.95 | Hartal | Country wide | 12 hours | AL, JP and JI |
12.02.95 | Strike | Country wide | 96 hours | workers jute Fentile and years mills |
12.03.95 | Hartal | Country wide | 48 hours | AL, JP and JI |
23.03.95 | Hartal | Gaibandha town | 6 hours | AL, JP and JI |
25.03.95 | Hartal | Country wide | 6 hours | LDF |
Financial year | GDP Growth (%) | Average | Inflation Rate | Average |
1996-97 | 5.40 |
| 2.50 |
|
1997-98 | 5.20 |
| 7.00 |
|
1998-99 | 4.90 |
| 8.90 | 4.70 |
1999-2000 | 5.90 | 5.30 | 3.40 |
|
2000-2001 | 5.30 |
| 1.60 |
|
Despite conflicting trends, the achievement of Bangladesh democracy during all periods after one decade of democratic practices it can be said that the prospect of extra-constitutional intervention in politics in order coups and killings have disappeared, electoral corruptions have been checked, peaceful transfer of power is almost guaranteed, and political actors are behaving relatively with restraints and political actors are behaving relatively with restraints and political institutions are getting roots. It should also be remembered that democracy is a process which needs long time to flourish. In Bangladesh, democracy has been allowed to work. It the history of other democratic countries is taken into account it must be understood that all decades are not at all a long time for democratic consolidation in any country. Practices and opportunities are imperative to overcome the challenges. But it is not that opportunities have not been missed by the leadership. The most important ground for the working of democracy in Bangladesh is that the people of this country are by and large in favor of it. Such a strong popular support may work as a deterrent to any anti democratic recourse on the part of any party or group on leadership. The prospect of Bangladeshs democracy is largely dependent on ho effectively the fruits of democracy can be distributed among the larger section of the population and the democratic institutions are allowed to perform unhindered. Responsible and patriotic behavior and foresightedness of the leadership are the keys to the desired success of democracy in the country.
We would like to thank Professor Dr. Md. Ruhul Amin for valuable comments, suggestions and help in the present research.
The authors declared there are no conflicts of interest to publish it.
Academic Editor
Dr. Sonjoy Bishwas, Executive, Universe Publishing Group (UniversePG), California, USA.
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Rajshahi University, Bangladesh.
Nahar MQ. (2024). Democratic practice and challenges in Bangladesh: a general overview, Asian J. Soc. Sci. Leg. Stud., 6(6), 242-258. https://doi.org/10.34104/ajssls.024.02410257