This site uses cookies for learning about our traffic, we store no personal details. ACCEPT COOKIES DECLINE COOKIES What are cookies?
univerge site banner
Original Article | Open Access | Asian J. Soc. Sci. Leg. Stud., 2024; 6(6), 242-258 | doi: 10.34104/ajssls.024.02410257

Democratic Practice and Challenges in Bangladesh: A General Overview

Mst. Quamrun Nahar* Mail Img Orcid Img

Abstract

Bangladesh emerged as an independent state in 1971 on the basic principles of secularism, nationalism, socialism and democracy. But after the assassination of Bangabandhu, military rule was established in the country and democratic progress was severely hampered. After the fall of the military ruler in the face of a mass uprising in 1990, the countrys first free and fair elections were held in 1991. This was a very positive and very important first step on the path of multi-party democracy. But subsequently, due to the lack of consensus among politicians on some fundamental issues, democratic progress is being hampered in this country due to instability and continuous political crises. Therefore, this researcher has tried to find out the challenges of democracy in Bangladesh.

INTRODUCTION

Democracy is the voice of the people which creates institutions and these institutions in turn control the government and mate it possible to change it without violence in this sense, the demos the people, is the sovereign that gives legitimacy to the institutions of democracy (Ralf, 2000). Democracy is believed to deliver better political and social alternatives to its supporters and its existence depends on performances. It always add value and it is associated with so many good things (Jalal, 2020). 

The principal impetus to the independence of Bangladesh was the building up of a democratic political system for its people. To that end, immediately after the independence, democracy was adopted as one of the state principles in the constitution of Bangladesh framed in 1972 (Siddique, 2013). The Journey towards democracy is not a novel phenomenon for Bangladesh. The people of Bangladesh struggled for a democratic political system for long years. Consequently, democratization became an inherent aspect of the spirit of the liberation war of Bangladesh. But the process of democratization that started in Bangladesh following the liberation was not very encouraging. It has proceeded in the midst of ups and downs. The role of the government and the opposition was not conductive to democratizing the political system during the first decade of Bangladesh. 

Institutionalization of democracy, which is required for democratic stability, was hampered. Mainly by the ruling party, it contributed to the continuation of the movement for democratization by the opposition political parties for which the people of Bangladesh struggled. As a result, democratization process proceeded in an uncertain manner (Siddique, 2013).

Research methods

The researcher has followed the descriptive method to conduct the research. In the relevant field, information has been collected with the help of relevant books, magazines, journals, newspapers, research reports, various branches of public administration, various media and websites like Google. While collecting relevant information, the researcher has used the Central Library, Seminar Library of the Department of Political Science and History of Rajshahi University.

Objective of the study 

  1. To find out the historical Background of democracy 
  2. To identify the challenge of Democracy in Bangladesh. 
  3. To know the steps on democratic development.

Conceptual Analysis 

Democracy 

The first attested use of the word democracy is found in prose works of the 430 BC, such as Herodotus Histories, but its usage was older by several decades, as two Athenians born in the 470s were named democrats, a new political name likely in support of democracy. The term democracy first appeared in ancient Greek political and philosophical though in the city state of Athens during classical antiquity. It is commonly known that the English word democracy has originated from two Greek words demos and Krates. To identify the origin of the idea of democracy scholars normally start from the direct democracy of the ancient city state of Athens (Jalal, 2012).

Athenian democracy was initiated in 507 BC which lasted until 322 BC. The peak period for Athenian democracy was 460 to 330 BC. The democratic system had six components (1). The assembly, (2) The Nomothetai, (3) The peoples court, (4) The boards of magistrates, (5) The council of five hundred and (6) Hoboulomenos (individual citizens) (Manus, 1997). The Athenian democracy is considered as the historical root of democracy. The levelers were the first generation who thought of representative government within a nation state (Jalal, 2012). The American revolution of 1776 immensely influenced the evolution of democracy as a faith and as an ideology. The revolution made Americans the first people in the modern world to possess a truly democratic government and society (Wood, 2003). The French revolution of 1789 is very important for democracy. The main slogan of the revolution was liberty, equality and fraternity. The revolution toppled the king proclaimed the rights of man and destroyed the ancient regime (Jalal, 2012).

The third wave of democracy starts after the end of communism in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe this tumultuous political collapse. This third wave times is very important for democracy. According to Francis Fukuyama (a deputy director of the us state Department) two factors led to the cessation of history and to the victory of democracy. The first one is the natural science and the other, the human struggle for recognition (Lioyd, 2003). Democracy thus means power of the people. It is now regarded as a form of government in which the people rule themselves either directly, or indirectly through their representatives. Definitions of democracy, as a form of government are various. But like many other definitions in political science, They in their content and application (Jalal, 2012). The French writer de Tocqueville Alex is considered as one of the great theorists and advocates of democracy. In his famous work, Democracy in America, he has explicitly elaborated his idea of democracy is on the one hand a social arrangement and on the other hand, a political system (Holmes, 1999). MacIver says, “Democracy is not a way of governing, whether by majority or otherwise, but primarily a way of determining who shall govern and broadly, to what ends (R.M, 2008). This involves a freedom of choice in selecting the rulers and the consent of the electors that those who receive the mandate should alone rule. It means that democracy has a popular base and it hinges upon the consent of the governed. The consent of the people must be real active and effective in order to make it a genune democracy. Eternal vigilance is the very life of democracy, of democracy can really claim, in the words of president Abraham Lincoln, to be a government of the people by the people and for the people. Democracy according to Bryce, is a form of qualified citizens to constitute the great bulk of the inhabitants (D. J., 1990; Jony et al., 2019).

Democracy is that form of government in which the mass of the population possesses the mass of the population possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign power (R.G., 2000). Lord Bryce defined, “Democracy is the these words the Words Democracy has been used ever since the time of Herodotus to denote that form of government in which the ruling  power of a state is legally vested, not in any particular class or classes, but it the members of the community as whole” Rober A Dahl was a milestone in democratic theory. Robert A Dahl has affirmed five requirements for an ideal democratic process These are (1) effective participation by citizens. (2) Voting quality among citizens, (3) Enlightened understanding, (4) Exclusive opportunity to decide and (5) demons must include all adult members except transients and persons proved to be mentally defective. Dahl concludes that if democracy is the ideal. The five criteria, taken together, are the standard by which political processes ought to be judged (Parthas & Eric, 1999). Al last we can say democracy always adds value and it is associated with so many good things. 

Democratic Practice

The components of democratic practice within societies may be operationalzed to enable the level of democratic practice to be measured and compared. At the level of internal or local polities, the constituents of the level of dictatorship. Democratic Practices are ways citizens can work together to address shared problems. It routine is done in ways that are open to citizens. The routines can become democratic practices. Democratic practice involves a constant struggle between society and state in which dictatorship and the state provides what is considers a balanced miniature. The components of democratic practice within societies may be operationalized to enable the level of democratic practice to be measured and compared. According to David Mathews, There are seven democratic practices (i) Creating public space in which citizens can do their work (ii) Naming problems interms held valuable by citizens (iii) Framing issues for making deliberative choices (iv) Deliberating openly together to make choices that create common ground for complementary action (v) Securing commitments to act together (vi) Acting publicly (vii) Turing evaluation into civic learning. 

Proper democratic practices depends on countrys governance. The democratic ideal of human rights and liberties being implemented in the foundation of a countrys rules. By the proper working of a voting system, full government openness and transpires, representative institution, rule of law, freedom of speech media freedom, free and fair election citizen participation, majority rule constitutional government are essential for democratic practices. Media individual freedoms include freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion and the right of a fair trial (R.C., 1970).

Democratic practice in Bangladesh: An overview

Political history of South Asia particularly the condition leading to the Bengali struggle for Justice and freedom attempts to capture ubiquitous conflicted between security and Justice implicitly or explicitly underscored through militarization versus democratization process. In most developing countries with a special focus on Bangladesh (Kamruddin, 1975).  After the second world wara process of decolonization began when a number of former colonies of Britain and France broke the clutches of colonialism and become independent. Following Independence, many of these countries experimented western type of liberal democracy and hoped that the cherished aspirations of their masses for a democratic order would be fulfilled through well functioning of this new frame work (Jalal, 2012). Aspiration for democratic rule gradually developed among the people of Bangladesh at different times. During the colonial rule Bangladesh experienced a pseudo democracy. The British colonial government introduced tutelary democracy to face the growing movement against the British rule in India virtually British government was not interested to introduce parliamentary democracy in India. The experience of limited democratic rights under the British government made the people conscious about their democratic rights. This consciousness prompted the people of British-India to launch movement against the colonial government for establishing self rule in India. This movement of the people eventually brought an end to colonial rule in India by creating two independent states, Pakistan and India, under Indian Independence Act of 1947 (Rahman, 2013). From the independence of Pakistan to present Bangladesh. The practice of democracy are divided following periods. 

Democratic practice in Pakistan period

The political history of the Pakistan period form1947 to 1971 is the history of continuous struggle for democracy and democratic system. The creation of Pakistan is a novel experiment in the history of nation building (Choudhwry, 2020). The new state of Pakistan was comprised of two wings, west Pakistan and East Pakistan. At the time of foundation the two wings of Pakistan had not only been two peculiar geographic locations, repeated by more than one thousand miles of foreign territory and deep differences in culture, language and life style, the Pakistanis were also inhabitants of completely separate poles practicing democratic values and norms (Jalal, 2012).  Pakistan obtained parliamentary from of government according to the independence Act of 1947. But the ruling elites of Pakistan did not pay proper regard to democracy in running the state. It did not take any effective measures for democratizing the political system of Pakistan. In real sense, parliamentary form of government was never put into effect during the period (1947-1971) of integrated Pakistan (Mokbul, 2007). The idea of constitutional government and that of democratic process had come into dispute (Zillur,1948). Disregard to democracy by the ruling elites of Pakistan deprived the majority people, who lived in Bangladesh (Then East Pakistan), of their democratic rights. Lack of democratic rule in Pakistan created a sense of deprivation in the minds of the people of Bangladesh which prompted them to launch movements for establishing democratic rights. After that immediately the people of Bangladesh (East Pakistan) started movement for cultural and political autonomy. In 1949 1950 and 1952 the language and Autonomy movements dominated the political scenario of Bangladesh. The students and enlightened sections of the society organized these movements. 

In the Provincial elections of 1954 the ruling ML. was defected by the united front (uf), a coalition of opposition political parties of East Bengal. Autonomy of East Bengal now Bangladesh was the principal point of the UF in the election. Provincial Legislative elections were held in East Bengal between 8 and 12 March 1954. The opposition united front led by the Awami league and Krishak Sramik Party won a landslide victory with 223 of the 309 seats. In that election, the united front (Awami Muslim League 143, Krishak-Praja 48. Nezame-Islami 19. Left Democratic Party 13, Won 223 out of 237 Muslim seats in the provincial assembly elections and the Muslim League won only 10 seats. Besides out of 72 non-Muslim seats, united front got 13 seats. 

Post-Independence Democratization and Practice (Period 1972-1975) 

After a devastating and bloody war Bangladesh emerged as an independent state and to consolidate a democratic system the country was able to make her mark in the beginning (Rahman,1948). Resembling other newly emergent nation states the foremost post liberation priority in Bangladesh had been the construction of national polity and appropriate political structure for the country (Abul Fazal, 2011). In a period of three and half years many spectacular successes were achieved. A state government was established a constitution was drafted which was, at the end of debates, finalized, political parties, new and old, were allowed to form and function, first parliamentary election was held a new parliament was formed and the parliament elected a new government, parliamentary procedures were adapted, parliamentary committees were formed and other parliamentary activities were at work (Abul Fazal, 2011). Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation with a commitment of establishing democratic political system within a very short time after independence, it is able to made a constitution by the Bangladesh. Stability of democracy with the adoption of the constitution in November, 1972 and the holding of general election in March, 1973.The election result effect positively in our democracy. The results of the first general election is shown below

Table 1: Results of the First General Election, 1973 (Party Position). 

Name of political Parties

Seatss Contested

Seat won

% of votes secured

Awami League

289

282

73-20

National Awmi Party-Muzafar (nap-m)

224

-

8.33

JatioSamajtanntrik Dal JSD

237

1

6.52

National Awami Party Bhashani (NAP-B)

169

-

5.32

Bangladesh Jatio League

8

1

0.33

banglajatio League

11

-

0.28

Communist Party of Bangladesh CPB

4

 

0.25

Sramik-KrishakSamajbadi Dal

3

 

0.20

Communist Party of Bangladesh (Werinist)

2

 

0.10

Bangladesh Sramik Federation

3

 

0.06

The Communist party of Bangla

3

 

0.06

Bangla Chhatra union

1

 

0.04

Bangladesh Jatio Congress

3

 

0.02

JatioGanatantri Dal

1

 

0.01

Independents

120

5

5.25

Total

1078

289

100


Source: Some Bangladesh Election Commission Report on the First general election to parliament in Bangladesh, Dhaka 1973.


In the election of 1973, 55.62 Percent of the registered voters exercised their franchise and the Al won a massive victory obtaining 282 of the 289 contested seats with 73.20 percent of the valid votes (See Table 1). Massive electoral success in the national level led the Awami League consolidate its power base at the local polities (Chaudhwry,1995). So the Awami League government decided to organize the local government elections. The government, before the local level elections, preformed the local government system and formed the union “Panchayet” by the presidential order No. 7 of 1972. It introduced the provision for directly elected chairman the vice chairman in the local councils. Ultimately a new party named Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) was formed by the breakaway portion from the ruling party. JSD propagated the ideology of scientific socialism. The JSD started its activities with the criticism of the government within a short period it called for protest, demonstration and strike against the government it successfully called general strike. The first election of 1973 was very important for the democracy of Bangladesh. The role of legislature may be measured by the extent of imitative and its exercise for democratic practice. For the practicing democracy, it is very important the level of education and socio-economic background. 


Educational and socio-economic Background of the member of the First parliament

During the parliamentary regime, the first parliament sat for about 410 hours in 114 work days in seven sessions. In these sessions 118 bills were introduced in the house, all of them by ministers. Though private members (MPs other than ministries) were entitled to initiate bills (Rouna,2005).  not a single notice of private members bill was received by the parliament secretariat, out of the 118 bills, the house passed 112 including four constitutional amendment and eight financial bills. As shown in Table 3, 55 (49%) of the 112 bills were promulgated earlier by the president in the form of ordinance which were subsequently introduced in the house for approval. 


Legislative output of the first parliament during the parliamentary Regime

The position and authority of the first legislature were considerably condensed through the passing of constitutional amendment bills, more specifically the second and the fourth. A modification in the constitution were went in opposition to the democratic practice and was incompatible with the Awami Leagues past political commitments as the champion of democracy and peoples rights (Golom, 19548). It was very important for Bangladesh as well or democracy to formed a new parliament. The parliament elected a new government, parliamentary procedures were adapted parliamentary committees were formed and other parliament activities were at work. But the successes of the first government of Bangladesh, led by the founder of the state Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.


Period of 1975-1981

One of the main trends and techniques of polities of previous period was that political elites and political parties, especially the opposition parties, completely unable to erect alternative institutions and leadership. After a number of coups and counter coups, Ziaur Rahman emerged as strongman (Golam, 1948). From 1975 to 1981. The military ruler followed a number of common strategies of governance and party building. He had his own plans of restoring democracy in the country in phases from local to the national level. His arrangement had been first to hold union parishad elections in January 1977 to be followed by presidential and Jatiya Sangsad elections (Moudud, 1995). After consolidation his power Zia proceeded towards liberalizing the political system. To that end the military government promulgated the political parties Regulation (PPR) which allowed the political parties to conduct“ indoor polities” in controlled manner (Zillur, 2012). 


He adopted the provision in the constitution for women development as a state principle. It was inserted in the constitution that steps shall be taken to ensure the participation of women in all spheres of national life (Moudud,1995). Since his assumption of power Zia had been proceeding towards the civilian rule. Assumption of presidency was the most appropriate vehicle for his own transition to civilian political leadership. After assuming the presidency Zia initiated the process democratization. To democratize his regime, in his first address to the nation as president, Zia committed to hold general elections in December 1978 (Moudud,1995).  


In this period Zia has tried to democratized the system by changing it from previous government rule to multi-party arrangement (Abul Fazal, 2011). It is said that Zia, though a soldier, has established democracy and he is the architect of multiparty democratic system in the country. But the rule of this regional sowed seeds which grew with enormous evil consequences on the democratic evolution of the country. 


Firstly, Zias decisions to introduce constitutional changes and many other important steps reopened several controversies. Zia changed state principles and replaced secularism by truest and faith in the almighty and replaced secularism by trust and faith in the almighty and redefined socialism as economic and social justice. He changed national identify from ‘Bengali to Bangladesh secondly, Zia is the first ruler who used various government individuals. Polities was not the politicians business. Rather agency people were given responsibility to plan, buy and if necessary threaten and oppositions. 


Thirdly, Zias main support base was the army and he always attempted to please has constituency. Zia tries to negotiate with the weaker and smaller parties (Rounaq, 2015). All the left parties agreed that Bangladesh revolution remained incomplete and the emancipation lay in the socialist transformation. Differences among the left parties could hardly be explained by the class origin of their leadership. 


Demographic Characteristics of members of the central Executive committees of the left parties 

Most of the left parties belonging to the second group as well as the Jatio Janata party and the peoples League were new formations under the PPR. none of them having mass following or effective organization. General Zia primary relied on the military and civil bureaucracy. Gradually he build up a popular support base for himself. Eventually, a new political party named Jatiotaladi Gonotantrik Dal (JAGODAL) was formed at the instance of president Zia, which received government approval on 22 February, 1978. The JAGODAL professed democracy. The Jatiotabadi Front (JF) comprised the JAGODAL, Nap-B Upp, ML labour party and the TafsilJati federation, General Ziaur Rahman being its presidential candidate. Both the JF and the Go but made no specific commitment about their role in the presidential election which according to it could hardly ensure democracy on fundamental and political rights of the people. The presidential election of 1978 turned out to be a straight height between the JF and the Goj. 


Period of 1982-1990

The assassination of General Zia in May, 1981 necessitated a midterm election to hill in vacant post of president. The opposition parties took this opportunity to reopen the old constitutional controversies. Most of them raised the demand for the restoration of parliamentary system, some insisting on holding the election of a sovereign parliament first. But they were not prepared to carry the constitutional wrangle to a point that might create conditions of instability providing the military an opportunity to re-intervene and therefore, participated in the presidential election held on 15 November, 1981(Bangladesh Observers, 1981). Against Dr. Kamal Hossain, the no mince of the Al-led alliance agencies were reputed to have played a key role, could not consolidate sattars hold on power (Rahman,2013). Vice-president Justice Abdus Sattar who was also the acting president, was nominated as the presidential candidate by the BNP. Islamic parties and a section of the extreme left supported Sattar because of their anti- Al anti India sentiments. The secular and moderate left parties, which advocated the reformation of the 1972 constitution, made efforts to forge a united front against the ruling party. But they failed to agree on a common candidate and contested the election separately. While the opposition parties raised the constitutional question as a majore issue, the BNP made peace and progress the main theme of its election campaign (Biehira, 1983). 


Political ambition of the military surfaced within a few monts after the assassination of president Zia. During the period of sattar government, that came to power after Zia, the CAS, H.M. Ershad gave some undesirable public statements about the governance of the state. Weakness of the government, Severe internal conflict of the ruling party and lack of farmless of the opposition to resist mantal law created a favorable situation for the military to assume state power. Ershad mobilized the whole armed forces in support of taking the state power. For obvious reason, people did not welcome the coming of military to the state power military rulers of the developing nations usually announce their objectives commitments and justification of military rule at the time of taking state power. In the ease of Bangladesh, Ershad also did almost the same things in support of promulgating martial law like the other coup leaders of developing nations. On 23 march 1982, The day before taking power, Ershad convinced a conference of the army officers in the Army Headquarter. He could realize that without the total support of the military, assumption of the state power and elected government might create a bloody situation in the country (Jalal, 2012).  The constitution was suspended and martial law was imposed throughout the country. Like Zia, General Ershad also sought to retain the existing system of government and hold the presidential election first to establish his personal legitimacy. But the opposition parties were not prepared to participate in the election under martial law. A 15-party alliance led by the Al demanded the withdrawal of martial law and transfer of power to a “Sovereign parliament” elected on the basis of the 1972 constitution. A 7 party combine led by the BNP also demanded the withdrawal of martial law but preferring the presidential system insisted upon the revival of the constitution as suspended in 1982 and holding of election on the basis of that constitution. Thus the major parties were united against the martial law administration of General Ershad but they differed as to the constitutional structure. However, in September 1983 the two alliances agreed on a 5-point programme as the basis of anti-Martial law movement (Daly Sangbad,1984). As a compromise formula, the government proposed the holding of the presidential and parliamentary election simultaneously on the same date 27 may, 1984. But in the face of stiff opposition from the major alliances and parties it had to postpone the proposed elections. In this period the opposition parties call and observe hartals to compel the government to realize their demands. From 1982-1989 hartals observed the following table.


Table 2: Hartals observed during the period from 1982-1989. 

SI

Period

hartal days

1

1982-1989

328

Source: Jala Ferog, Democracy in Bangladesh conflicting issues and conflict religions (199-2000), Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 2012.

In an effort to persude the political parties to participate in the elections, General Ershad accepted the demand for holding election to parliament first and offered certain other concessions such as the abolition of all martial law offices (Ronuaq, 2015). The alliances persisted in their demand for immediate withdrawal of martial law and holding elections under an impartial and non-partisan law govern and holding elections under an impartial and non-partisan government. The opposition parties attempted to foil the referendum but failed. Successful completion of the referendum encouraged Ershad to ahead with his civilianization scheme. Open political activities were permitted from 1 march, and it was announced that parliamentary election would be held on 26 April, 1986. 

According to the Election Commotion about 60 percent (highest so far in Bangladesh) of the voters exercised their franchise. But it was widely believed that the percentage of votes cast was much lower. While the Jatioparty was officially reported to have polled about 42 percent of the party was officially reported to have polled about 42 percent of the valid votes, the 8 party alliances polled about 31 percent and Jamaat-e-Islami about 5 percent.

Unlike Zia who faced little street mobilization against his regime, Ershad had to tackle opposition from political forces from the beginning. The BNP under Khaleda Zia did not participate in parliamentary elections and was instead engaged in man mobilisation demanding restoration of democracy. The AL which initially participated in the 1986 parliamentary elections, eventually realised that it was serving as little more than rubber than parliament as a prelude to initiating street demonstrations against the regime. Though the BNP and the Al had policy differences they both joined hands and launched s series of man mobilisation including a siege of Dhaka to oppose Ershads regime (Rahman, 2013). After consolidating his position by holding referendum upazila elections and making division in the opposition unity Ershad made a speech to the nation on 1986 assuring Free and fair election (Ronuaq, 2015). In December 1987 Ershad dissolved the parliament and called for another parliamentary election in march 1988 Both the BNP and the AL boycotted the elections to the fourth parliament. The (JI) Jamati Islam also did not participate and joined in the pro-democracy movement. Neither the AL nor the BNP at that stage registered any discomfort in associating the J1 with in the anti-Ershad movement. The results of the fourth parliamentary elections predictably showed the JP sweeping the polls winning 251 out of 300 seats. 

Results of the fourth national parliamentary election, 1988
With regard to women representation in the 1986-1988 parliaments it was seen that only a few women had been elected in the general seats. Studies show that because of their low profile womens candidature in the general seats remained minimal. However, there were signs of gradual increases of women contestants in the parliamentary elections. The following tables demonstrate the electoral participation and electoral performance of the women candidates. 
 
Table 3: Womens electoral participation (1986-1988). 

Year

Number of candidates

Total

Male

Female

 

1986

1409

20

1429

1988

971

7

978

Source: Election commission of Bangladesh.

Period of 4 December, 1990 to 27 February, 1991 (First Caretaker Government Period)
After the fall of Genral Ershad in December, 1990 general election to the fifth parliament was held on 27 February, 1991 under the interim caretaker government of Justice Sahabuddin Ahmed. The number of Candidates in the 300 general seats was 2787. As many as 75 political parties participated in the election. It was a good sign for democratic practice after a long time in Bangladesh. Bust most of the parties were paper organizations, 16 of them setting only one candidate each. The 8-party, 7 party and 5 party alliances contested separately. The A: could reach an electoral understanding with 5 parties of the 8 party alliance giving them 36 seats, in which they except one Nap-M candidate) fought with boat (AL election symbol) as their election symbol. The 7-party alliance was reduced to one party i.e. BNP, other parties deserting the alliance at different times. The 5-party alliance though nominated candidates Jointly, the component parties contested with their own symbols and separate mainitestos (Abul Fazal, 2011). In this present situation on 27 the February, 1991 the fifth national parliamentary election was held. It was the first free and fair election is the country. The election result is shown below. 

Results of the fifth parliament election, 1991 (Party position)
The BNP obtained 30.81% with 140 seats and the AL. got 30.08 %votes but only 88 seats. If the votes polled by 5 other parties of the 8 party alliance which fought with boat at their election symbol its sears would stand at about 35% and the number of its seats would be 100. The Jatio party got about 12% of votes with 35 seats in parliament. The Jamaat got 18 seats with 12% of votes of the 75 political parties that participated in the election, 63 could not win any seat (Daly Sangbad,1991). The polls were thus held peacefully on 27th February 1991 with unprompted casting of ballots by a huge numbers of voters and the percentage had been more than fifty five. Out of the total 6,22,89506 registered voters, 3,44,77803 exercised their voting rights which indicated a conscious electoral and political participation of the electorate on the question of establishing a democratic order. The election had been viewed as free and fair and endorsed by different local as well as international election observation teams. Observers from the UK, Japan, Commonwealth and SAARC countries termed the election held on 27 February 1991 free fair and peaceful and also described the election unparalleled, highly successful and excellent. Almost all the political parties different socio cultural and profess-sional organization of Bangladesh congratulated the caretaker government and EC for holding free and fair election (Rahman, 2015).  It was the only election in the history of independent Bangladesh which was accepted by all as free and fair. The Bangladesh Mukto Nirbachan Andolon (BAMNA) Bangladesh free election movement after monitoring 2110 polling centers on 27 February 1991 disclosed in its report that although the election was not without its problems, nonetheless it represented a very positive and highly important first step on the party towards multi-party democracy in Bangladesh (Dhaka Couriar, 1991).

The period of 1991-1995
Since BNP emerged as the single largest party by winning 140 seats the acting president Shahabuddin Ahmed asked Khaledazia, the chairperson of the party, to form the new government. The Acting president dissolved his advisory council on 15 march 1991. Despite the pressure from the opposition political parties and different organizations the ruling party could not reach any decision on the form of government because of the lack of consensus in the party. So, no imitative to change the form of government was taken by the Treasury Bench in the first session of the parliament. It produced a lot of confusion in different sections of the people regarding the intension of the ruling party observing the uncertainties created over the form of government, president Shahabuddin Ahmed appe aled in his speech on 5 June 1991 to the ruling and the opposition parties to take constitutional measures for smooth transition to democracy (Craiq,1992).

BNPs decision to reintroduce parliamentary form of government under the pressure of opposition parties and public opinion helped to bring an end to speculations. On 2 July 1991 prime minister Khaleda Zia introduced the constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Bill, 1991 to the parliament seeking replacement of presidential form by the parliamentary form of government (Daly Janakhar,1996). 

The fifth Jatiya Sangsad of Bangladesh commenced its journey with its sound composition along with a strong opposition in the house. After its inception, it had to make a decision on the vital question of introducing parliamentary system of government in the country. On the eve of the fall of General Ershad, the issue had been a significant point in the Joint declaration of the three political alliances and civil society organizations and remained one major electoral commitment of the Awami League. In order to fulfill this crucial pledge this major opposition brought forth necessary legislative motion on the floor and obtained support both from in and outside of the parliament (Rashiduzzaman, 2001).

After the parliamentary elections of 27 February 1991, a record number of by elections (fifteen) were held during 1991-1933. None of these elections caused any problem or controversy. But the performances of the election Commission (EC) and the incumbent government in the by elections of Mirpur, Dhaka-11 constituency held on 3 February 1993 and Magura-2 constituency held on 20 march 1994 were seriously criticized. The opposition parties brought an allegation of rigging against the EC and the government. The two by elections, the allegation of rigging, the oppositions movement and the subsequent political programs and actions immensely influenced the ensuring political directions of the country. The ruling partys alleged rigging in the parliamentary by elections in Mirpur-2 and Maguar-2 seats, the opposition came up with their vital demand to legalize neutral caretaker government for conducting all future general polls in the country. The parliamentary boycott of the opposition began since the thirteenth session and continued unabated. Since then various protest programmers like blockades, gheraos and most notable, lagatarhartal (meaning prolonged strike even up to 72 hours) had been observed to fulfill their demand (A. T. Rafiqur, 2008). Hartal is a political weapon without which the opposition is not taken seriously in Bangladesh (Rounaq, 2016). The opposition parties call and observe hartals to compel the government to realise their demands. Bangladesh holds hartals records unmatched in the world. A study on hartals showed that for 1990-1996 of 428 hartals were called and observed in Bangladesh (Amir & Trarik, 1999). Countrywide hartals are observed from March 1994 to March 1995 (Table 4). 
 
Table 4: Countrywide Hartals observed from March 1994 to March 1995. 

Date

Program

Area Covered

Time

Called by

23.03.94

Hartal

Country wide

6 hours

AL, JP

10.04.94

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

AL, JP

26.04.94

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

AL. JP

30.06.94

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

JI an Anti-communal students society

30.07.94

Hartal

Country wide

8 hours

AL and SBCS

15.08.94

Hartal

Country wide

6 hours

AL

18.08.94

Strike

Country wide

24 hours

PROKRICHI

13.09.94

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

AL, JP  and JI

23.09.94

Strike

Country wide

24 hours

PROKRICHI

27.09.94

Road, Rail way blocked

Country wide

12 hours

AL JP and JI

10.11.94

Hartal

Country wide

8 hours

LDF

13.11.94

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

AL JP and JI

29.11.94

Raod and Railway block

Country wide

6 hours

AL JP and JI

7.12.94

Hartal

Country wide

30 hours

AL. J P and JI

24.12.94

Block de road rail and ways

Country wide

8 hours

AL JP and JI

29.12.94

Hartal

Country wide

6 hours

AL, JP and JI

19.01.95

Baricade (road rail and water waps)

Country wide

6 hours

AL JP and JI

22.01.95

Barricade

Country wide

72 hours

Four Trade union bodies and Federation

25.01.95

Hartal

Country wide

12 hours

AL, JP and JI

12.02.95

Strike

Country wide

96 hours

workers jute Fentile and years mills

12.03.95

Hartal

Country wide

48 hours

AL, JP and JI

23.03.95

Hartal

Gaibandha town

6 hours

AL, JP and JI

25.03.95

Hartal

Country wide

6 hours

LDF


The economic conditions of the country during the BNP government headed by Khaleda Zia it can be observed from the data that macro-economic stability was achieved after democratic transition in Bangladesh. Despite attaining the macro-economic stability, GDA remained static in the first four years of BNP government. It rose to 5.3 percent in the year of 1995/96. Rate of GDP could not reach to 6-7 percent (Ronuaq, 2015). The central theme of the formula of these alliances, formulated prior to the fall of Ershad, was to establish a sovereign parliament. On the basis of that understanding, sovereignty of the parliament has been ensured by the twelfth amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. The constitution has given the rights to the members of parliament (MPS) to discuss any matter within the parliament or in its committee. In this way parliamentary supremacy is ensured constitution. Despite the privileges of the mps in the parliament, they are not completely free to play their independent role in the parliament. An elected party MP cannot against his party in the parliament not even can abstain from voting in the parliament violating party directives. The other major issue that began to pit the AL and the BNP in open conflict centered on the organization of elections. Initially, relatively free and fair elections for the mayors of four metropolitan cities, Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi and Khulna were organised by the BNP government. In Dhaka and Chittagong, the Al candidates were elected as mayors. This electoral revival of the AL appears to have inspired an undemocratic response from the ruling BNP (Amnesty Inernaional, 2003).

This manifestation of electoral malfeasance prompted the AL-led opposition to start boycotting parliamentary sittings to register their protest and demand the organisation of future parliamentary elections under a NCG. In support of this demand the AL also initiated street agitations reinforced by repeated hartals. The BNP government, however, did not respond to the demand for a NCG which eventually led to the resignation of the opposition parties, consisting of the AL, the JP, and the J1 from the parliament on 28 December 1994. The BNP government at first rejected the demand for a NCG terming it unconstitutional but later participated in various mediation efforts indicated above However, the deep mutual distrust between the Al and BNP frustrated any compromise. The parliament was eventually dissolved on November 24, 1995 and parliamentary elections were held on 15 February 1996 resulting in an abnormally low voter turnout. The election was boycotted by all major parties except the BNP. Under mounting pressure the BNP had no option but to accept the oppositions demand for a NCG. On march 28,1996 the 13thamendment of the constitution which provided for organization of parliamentary elections under a NCG. Results of the seventh national parliamentary election, 1996. 

The period of 1996-2001
After the passing of the 13th amendment the BNP government resigned and handed over power to a NCG headed by the last retired CJ Habibur Rahman. This NCG organised the election to the seventh parliament in June 1996 which was again regarded as free and fair by domestic and international observes common wealth secretariat an international observers (common wealth secretariat 1997). This time the AL with 37 percent of votes, emerged as the single largest party in parliament with 146 seats. The BNP with 33 percent vote gained 116 seats. The JP 32 (Seats) again became the third largest party in parliament. The JIs vote share remained as before but its seat share declined significantly it secured only three seats. Falling short of an absolute majority. The AL was able to form the government which this support of the JP 32 (seats) and the JSP one seat. Sheikh Hasina became the prime minister. Following the elections, Sheikh Hasina made some reconciliatory gestures towards the BNP She called on all the parties, including the BNP, to join a national consensus government. The BNP refused this offer and though at first it questioned the fairness of the polls. It eventually joined the parliament. However, it was not long before the BNP started to allege that it could not voice its concerns inside the parliament and was being oppressed outside (Abul Fazul, 2011).

In the seventh parliament the opposition this time remained absent from the house from July 1999 to July 2001. The arguments shown behind boycotting the parliamentary proceedings initiated by both the leader of oppositions were almost the same. The opposition party applied almost the same strategy of previous parliament, interesting street movement and alienating the government from the masses. The opposition policy was not to defeat the government in the house by suggesting better alternative to their policies and actions. They rather resorted to building popular movement against the government. The main objective of this strategy was to secure better results in the next elections. Excessive walkouts and boycotts hindered the smooth functioning of the parliament and the policies applied by the leader of oppositions. 

In the fifth and the seventh parliaments failed to rise above partisan spirit and political pettiness. They also failed to realize that they were leaders of the house, not Just of their members (Jalal, 2012). AL government during its 5 year tenure (1996-2001) achieved some remarkable success in the international, economic and cultural sphere. In a short time after assuming power it succeeded in setting the age ole problems like Ganges water dispute with India and insurgency of the CHT tribal. The Ekushe February attained the status of international mother Tongue Day. Economic condition was also better during the AL rule. The average rate of the GDP growth during the fiscal years 1996-97 to 2000-2001 was 5-3% as against 4.61% during the previous 5 years rule of the BNP. The rate of inflation was also comparatively low during the AL rule. During 2000-2001, the inflation rate was 1.6% the lowest in ten year (see Table 5). As a result, the prices of essentials remained stable and within the purchasing power of the general people. Besides Bangladesh achieved self-sufficiency in food for the first time; The programmmes like VGF and VGD were adopted by the government to build food security for the poor and the vulnerable and introduced the scheme of shelter building for the homeless. In respect of human development also Hasinas government of 1996-2001 performed better. Perhaps due to these achievements, the AL received 3% more votes in this election compared to the previous one (Jalal, 2012). It was good sign for democracy building and helpful for practicing democracy in this period.

Table 5: The growth of GDP and inflation Rate in Bangladesh (1996-1997 to 2000-2001) (A fixed price). 

Financial year

GDP Growth (%)

Average

Inflation Rate

Average

1996-97

5.40

 

2.50

 

1997-98

5.20

 

7.00

 

1998-99

4.90

 

8.90

4.70

1999-2000

5.90

5.30

3.40

 

2000-2001

5.30

 

1.60

 

Source: Bangladesh Arthanaitik Samikkha Economic Review June 2003.

At a policy level the two parties differed on a number of issues. The BNP opposed the signing of the Ganges water sharing treaty negotiated with India and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) peace accord, two major achievements of the AL government during its first year in office. It threatened to cancel these two agreements if the BNP ever returned to power. These political stands were inspired by the BNPs traditional anti-Indian posture. The BNP refused to participate in Parliamentary by elections and other local bodies elections and demanded organization of all local elections under a NCG. It also began boycotting Parliamentary sessions opting for herbals and street agitations. All 43 percent of working days were boycotted by the opposition in the seventh parliament and 332 days of herbals. Following the practice of the previous BNP government, the AL government also began to use the state machinery to harass the opposition. The BNP launched various forms of street protests against what it termed as the ALs misrule. It repeatedly demanded resignation of the government and threatened that it would force the government out of power through its mass mobilization. However, side by side with street mobilization the BNP also began building an electoral alliance with the Islamist parties. At the end of its five year term, the Al government handed over power to a NCG headed by the last retired CJ Latifur Rahman. This NCG organised the eight parliamentary elections on october-1, 2001 which was again certified by domestic and international observers as free and fair. Result of eight parliament election.

The period of 2001-2005 
In the eight parliamentary elections the BNP led four party alliance won a two thirds majority in parliament. Securing 216 seats through it received only 47 percent of popular vote. Even though the AL increased its share of the popular vote from 37 percent in the 1996 election to 40 percent in the 2001 election, it could secure only 62 seats. Khaledazia again became the prime minister. Unlike the 1991 and 1996 elections, which were generally peaceful, the 2001 election was followed by widespread violence. the supporters of the victorious four party alliance launched massive violence against the AL supporters in many areas. Minority voters were specially targeted as they were perceived to be vote banks for the AL. 

This support to political violence, initiated even before the BNP-led alliance assumed office, indicated deterioration in the relations between the two parties and growing compulsion to settle seores accumulated during the tenure of the outgoing regime. The political confrontation between the two sides thus took a turn for the worse during the tenure of the BNP led four party alliance government (2001-2006). A few AL leaders including farmer ministers were arrested and imprisoned. Vendetta and violence not only plagued the BNP AL contestation, but also conflicts between supporters of parties and within the parties. There were violent clashes between supporters of parties belonging to the ruling alliance. In July 2005, 14 Party opposition alliance led by the Awami league Al chief Sheikh Hasina adopted a 31 point programme proposing, inter alia significant reforms in the electoral process. The demanted that the chief advisor (CA) and other advisors of the Caretaker. Government and the CEC and other members of the election commission (EC) be appointed on the basis of consensus election commission Election Commission be appointed on the basis of consensus demanded full independence of the Ec. As the reeling alliance was average to these demands, the opposition chose the path of a country wide mass movement. This periods finds conflict. Confrontation, intolerance absence mutual co-operation and respect are dominant trends of Bangladesh democracy. The same tendencies were also visible during the tenure of the third government of Khaleda Zia (2001-2006). Islami extremist Parties and groups received patronization form this government. To annihilate the secular forces and establish a reign of terror militant groups made a number of attacks on political leaders, cultural activists and members of the judicial services. The opposition parties also preferred street agitation and refrained from attending parliamentary activities during this time (Moeen, 2009). 

On 29 October, 2006 the 14-party alliance launched a programme of laying siege of Dhaka for in definite period, leadies to bloody clashes between the two rival alliances causing deaths of dozess of people. In the absence of political consensus about the appointment of ajudge of the supreme court at the CA President Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed himself took over the charge of CA of the Caretaker Government, by passioas the constitutional provision (Article 58c 5) for appointing a non partynon controversial citizen of Bangladesh, presumably at the behest of the BNP high command who nominated him to the ausurt post of president of the republic. Continued street violence was temporarily averted when the leader of the Al, Sheikh Hasina agreed to accept Iajuddin as the CA and nominated advisers to serve as members of his advisory council. But the opposition olive branch was ignered by the BNP-led alliance and Iajuddin continued to behave in a partisan manner (Abul fazul,2011). As required under the constitution the president cum CA appointed a 10 member council of advisors but did not allow the council to act as per the constitution. He tended to act without discussion in the council of advisors. 

The remote controlled presidents interference became so intoleralele that four most influential advisors had to resign but this did not encourage the CA to contain his partisan behavior. Finally, the confrontation between the two political forces came to a head. The opposition led by the Al eventually took the fateful decision to boycott and thwart the holding of the ninth parliamentary elections scheduled for 22 January 2007 (The Star, 2013). 

The Period of 2007-2008
Conflict started brewing between the AL and the BNP-led Political forces over the issue of the fairness of the ninth parliamentary election. There were indications that the government was trying to exert partisan influence over the next NCG and the EC. The AL led opposition rejected this change as a political move to ensure the appointment of Justice K.M. Hasan as the CA of the next NCG. The opposition alleged that Hasan was a BNP supporter. In the face of mounting street violence on 28 October 2006, Justice K.M Hasan refused to assume the position of the CA of the NCG. These there bad situation the member of the armed forced would be deprived of a lucrative avenue of earning and it would be difficult to control sensing a gave crisis aahead. General Moeen decided to intervene. Accompanied by the chiefs of Navy and Air force, he met the president and persuaded him to put off the scheduled election and relinquish the post of CA, state of emergency was declared suspending fundamental rights and political activities. A new caretaker Government was installed with Dr. Fakhruddin a former Goverrnor of the state Bank of Bangladesh, as the CA (Mahmudul, 2016).

The military backed fakruddin NCG ruled the country for two years (2007-2008) and worked more as an interim government than a caretaker government. It attempted to implement major governance and political reforms that fall beyond the mandate of a NCG, which is supposed to only organise a free and fair parliamentary election. The Fakhruddin NCG initiated a number of institutional reforms, particularly with regard to strengthening the Ec, which yielded positive results. At first the government imprisoned several BNP leaders on corruption charges. Later it also moved against a few AL leaders. But a number of political leaders of both parties fled the country and avoided imprisonment. However, the government failed to bring these corruption eases to fruition because of technical laws and lack of political support Initiatives to float a third political force outside of two main parties not succeed. Professor force outside of the two main parties did not succeed. Professor Yunus announced the formation of his party, Nagorik Shakti in February 2007 (Daly Star, 2013). The governments attempt to democratic party polities by ousting the two leaders, popularly named as the minus 2 strategy, also failed. At first attempts were made to exile Hasina and Khaleda and bring democrat reforms within the two parties through some of senior leaders of the AL and the BNP. The reformist senior leaders of thetwo parties failed to generate support from the rank and file member of their respective parties against the two dynastic leaders (Mahmudul, 2016).  The ninth parliamentary election was aganised on 29 December 2008. 

Again the 2008 parliamentary election was perceived as free and fair by all domestic and international observers. The AL-led grand alliance was the winner with 262 seats and 57 percent of the popular vote. The opposition BNP led for party alliance secured 34 seats. For the first time in South Asias history, a defacto military government voluntarily transferred power to a democratically elected civilian government. This demonstrated the strength of the political will in favour of democracy in Bangladesh. A major achievement of the government was the preparation of a new voters list that eliminated approximately 12.2 million take voters from the previous list. It also prepared tamper prof voter ID cards with photographs together with National ID cards which were distributed in recordtimeto all citizens. Another achievement of the government was implementation of a number of measure to lower election relate expenses and violence (Daly Star,2013). 

The period of 2009-2021
In a week after the general election of 29 December, the newly elected MPs belonging to the Mohajote were sworn in and the AL parliamentary party formally elected Sheikh Hasina leader of the House. A 32 member cabinet comprising 23 fall ministers and 8 state ministers with Hasina as the prime minister took oath of office on 6 January, 2009. Sheikh Hasina took a great risk preferring freshers members of the cabinet. But she seems to be confident of the capability and sincerity of her colleagues to implement the promised “Charter of change”. Most of the ministers are grass-root level leaders having close ties with the people and known for their honest, integrity and commitment to the party ideology and programmes (Abul Fazal, 2011). There were high expectations that the government would initiate major democratize political practices. The ALs election manifesto manifesto titled Din bodol (charter of change) incorporated many of the governance and political reforms. ALs Din Bodol manifesto and the over overwhelming mandate given in its favorably the voters sparked high expectation that there would be some qualitative change in polities, particularly that there would be an end to political confrontation. It was hoped that the two political forces would be able to resolve their differences through democratic discussion and debate and not resort to street polities and violence. But unfortunately after election, both sides decided to continue on their old path of political confrontation. Though the election manifesto of the opposition party pledged the practice of boycotting parliament, the Party resumed the practice from the very first session. The BNP-led opposition boycotted over 80 percent of the working days of the ninth parliament (Abul Fazal, 2011).

Speakers of the nine parliaments did not have much success in bridging the gap between the government and the opposition, Perhaps-not for their own follies but because of the reoistane of the government to any kind of compromise. As a result, boycott by the opposition surpassed any previous record. Several days functional consequences followed boycott by the opposition, probably the most important was that much of what was passed by the parliament could be seen as “partisan measures. Legislation and other measures a dopted by the parliament also lacked any critical other measures a adopted by the parliament also facked any critical scrutiny. Government backbenchers were unlikely to challenge or critically discuss measures initiated by the government in the house. In the absence of the opposition, the issue of accountability of the government also mostly remained dormant. Members of the treasury bench lost interest in parliamentary proceedings. Many parliamentary sittings could not start on time because of quorum crises. More importantly such sittings did not generally last long (Daly Star, 2013). Contrary to its pre-election promise of building concerns us, the ruling alliance used its three fourth majority in parliament to push through the 15th amendment of the constitution in BNP led alliance. The first and most important of the changes. Contested by the BNP was the abolition of the Provision of the NCG to organise future parliamentary elections. The government had initallyset up an all-party parliamentary committee to review the need and scope for constitutional reform. The committee which included senior leaders of the AL (BNP boycotted the committee meetings) in consultation with leading jurists and cross section of civil society, reportedly had indicated that the NCG system may continue with some reforms (Mahmudul, 2016). 

The ninth parliament of Bangladesh began its journey with the inauguration. This was the longest first session after the re-introduction of parliamentary system in 1991. It is for the first time that the ninth parliament had appointed all the 37 standing committees on ministries and other parliamentary committees. The new government of Sheikh Hasina has also made a history with the inclusion of opposition mps as chairman of standing committee of the 37 chairmanships, 30 have been given to the AL, 4 to other components of the Mohajote and 3 to the opposition including 2 to the BNP and 1 to the LDP (Daly Star,2013). But the inaugural session of the ninth parliament does not augur well in all respects. As in the Past, the opposition tends to walkout and boycott the parliament on hlimsy or imaginary grounds (Daly Star,2013). The BNP leader Khaleda Zia, on the other hand, demanded the reformation of the NCG and refused to participate in any election organized by the incumbent political government. On June 8.2011 the all party parliamentary committee set up by the government recommended to the parliament abolition of the NCG system. On june 30,2011 the parliament passed the 15th amendment to the constitution abolishing the NCG system. After that, following past practice the BNP-led alliance launched an aggressive street movement threatening to topple the government if their demand for return of the NCG were not met, which frequently degenerated into violence (Abul Fazal, 2011).  The AL-led government in its turn adopted a harsh strategy to deal with the oppositions threat of street politics. 

The front ranking leaders of the opposition were repeatedly imprisoned and various cases were friled against them. The BNP-led alliance eventually boycotted and attempted to thwart the scheduled parliamentary elections by enforcing oborodh (blockade) and hartals. Inspire of this violatile situation, the government was able to orgainze parliamentary elections which was boycotted by the BNP-led forces. In the majority of the parliamentary seats (153) Mps belonging to the AL-led alliance were elected unopposed. The AL-led alliance formed the government on January 12, 2014.

Key findings
The major findings of the paper is presented below summarized under a few selected themes: 
Construction of a national party and appropriate political structure: Like other newly emergent nation states the most post liberation priority in Bangladesh had been the construction of a national polity and appropriate political structure for the authority.
Single party system: At the very beginings of dependence Bangladesh started with a single party system which led by the Awami League (AL). 
Multi Party System: During the period of 1915-1990 the rulers sponsored multi party system in Bangladesh. 
Electoral party Alliances Democracy: From the period of 1991 to present electoral party alliances democracy is visible in Bangladesh. 
Party Leadership: The party leadership has remained is the hands of single leaders for decades. ShiekhHasina (AL), Khaleda Zia (BNP) and H.M. Ershad (JP) have held leadership positions of their respective Parties without challenge. 
Party Ideology: The main ideological divide amongst the parties is on the issue of secularism and definition of national identity. 
Non-Party caretaker Government: Non-party caretaker Government is a 3 months durated ducted government. The main goal of the government to organized a free and fair election people of Bangladesh can knows about it, in the last time of Erslad period. 

Suggested Actions to Practice Democracy in Bangladesh 
There is a growing awareness in Bangladesh that democracy can sustained only when political parties make a credible commitment to promote democracy in the country. 
To promote democracy and challenges in the country political parties whether they are in the government or in the opposition needs to renounce many of their current undemocratic practices. 
Political parties should stop the practice of boycotting the parliament when they are in the opposition. Opposition political parties need to perform their democratic rule within the parliament to scrutinize and critique the government. 
To strengthen mordancy the leadership role of the speaker was crucially important. He has to extent, tolerant of the vies of the opposition to play the role a cap-in-hand politician. 
A free and fair electoral process which is build upon political consensus and ensures that all  political players participate. 
A genuinely independent Election Commission, selected through political consensus which commands universal credibility. 
Political participation will be democratic both in opposition and government. 
There is an urgent need to separate the party organization and the government. 
All political parties ruling as well as opposition need to stop using violence to settle inter-party and intra-party conflicts. 

CONCLUSION

Despite conflicting trends, the achievement of Bangladesh democracy during all periods after one decade of democratic practices it can be said that the prospect of extra-constitutional intervention in politics in order coups and killings have disappeared, electoral corruptions have been checked, peaceful transfer of power is almost guaranteed, and political actors are behaving relatively with restraints and political actors are behaving relatively with restraints and political institutions are getting roots. It should also be remembered that democracy is a process which needs long time to flourish. In Bangladesh, democracy has been allowed to work. It the history of other democratic countries is taken into account it must be understood that all decades are not at all a long time for democratic consolidation in any country. Practices and opportunities are imperative to overcome the challenges. But it is not that opportunities have not been missed by the leadership. The most important ground for the working of democracy in Bangladesh is that the people of this country are by and large in favor of it. Such a strong popular support may work as a deterrent to any anti democratic recourse on the part of any party or group on leadership. The prospect of Bangladeshs democracy is largely dependent on ho effectively the fruits of democracy can be distributed among the larger section of the population and the democratic institutions are allowed to perform unhindered. Responsible and patriotic behavior and foresightedness of the leadership are the keys to the desired success of democracy in the country.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

We would like to thank Professor Dr. Md. Ruhul Amin for valuable comments, suggestions and help in the present research.

CONFLICTS OF INTEREST

The authors declared there are no conflicts of interest to publish it.

Supplemental Materials:

| 4.00 KB

Article References:

  1. Ahmed, Moudud, (1995). Democray and challenge of Development, Dhaka, UPL, p. 64. 
  2. Ahmad, Kamruddin (1975). A Socio Political History of Bengal and the Birth of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Inside Library, 1975, p.45.
  3. Agarwal, R.C. (1976). Political Theory, New Delhi, s. Chand and Company Ltd., p. 271.
  4. Bangladesh Parliament, (1973). Rules of procedure of parliament of the peoples Republic of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Rules, 72-74. 
  5. Dahrendorf, Ralf, (2003). The challenge for Democracy, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University press., p.103.
  6. Dasgupta, Partha & Maskin, Eric, (1999). Democracy and other Goods in lanshapiro and Casino Hacker-cordon, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 69-70. 
  7. E. Boulding, Kenneth, (1952). A Survey of contemporary Economics, Homewood, Richard D. Irwin,  pp-1-38.
  8. Feroj, Jalal, (2012). Democracy in Bangladesh, Confecting issues and conflict Resolution 1990-2001, Dhaka, Bangla Academy. p.12,30, 35,78, 293.
  9. Gettle, R.G. (2003). Political Science. London, The world press private Ltd, p. 779. 
  10. Godon S. Wood, (2003). Democracy and the American, Newyork, Time Press, p.79.
  11. Hasan, Choudhury, (2057). Government and Polities in Pakistan, Karachi, Jati Pokishany, p. 260.  Hussain, Mokbul, (2007). Democracy in Bangladesh 1991-2006, Dhaka,  Meem Printers, p. 60-61. 
  12. Hossain, Golam, (1986). General Ziaur Rahman, Dhaka, University Press Limited, p.18.
  13. Hossain, Golam, (1988). General Ziaur Rahman and the BNP: Political Transformation of a military Regime, Dhaka, University Press Limited, p. 17.
  14. Hussain, Dr. Ayedmokbul, (2007). Democracy in Bangladesh: 1991-2006: An Analysis of institutional Mechanisms and Roles, Dhaka, Neem Printers, p.33.
  15. Huq, Abul Fazal, (2011). Bangladesh polities, The problems of stability. Dhaka, Hakkani Publishers, pp.222,232,233,245,246,262,282, 283,284,285.
  16. Huque, Mahmudul, (2016). Bangladesh History Polities Economy society and Culture, Dhaka, University Press Limited, p. 240,241, 
  17. Jahan, Rounaq, (2005). Bangladesh polities: Problems and Isues. Dhaka. University Press Limited, p. 30,34,46,47, 227. 
  18. Jony MTI, Alam MJ, Amin MR, and Alam MJ. (2019). The impact of autocratic, democratic, and laissez-faire leadership styles on the success of the organization: a study on the different popular restaurants of Mymensingh, Bangladesh, Can. J. Bus. Inf. Stud., 1(6), 28-38. https://doi.org/10.34104/cjbis.019.028038  
  19. Loyd, Moya, (2003).  ‘The End of ideology? In Robert Eecleshall and others, Political Ideologies: An Introduction, London, Routledge, p. 22.
  20. MacIver, R.M. (1926). Modern State, Delhi. Hesperides press, p.396. 
  21. Midlarsky, Manus, (1997). Inequality, Democarcy and Development, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 17. 
  22. Mitchell, Joyee, (1972). Analysis and Public Policy an Introduction to Political Science, New Delhi, Thomson press (India) Limited, P. 537. 
  23. Mustafizur Rahman, Siddique, (2013). Democratization in Bangladesh, Dhaka, A.H Development Publishing House, pp. 21.53,173,174,175, 211, 274.
  24. R. Khan, Zillur, (2011). Democracy in Bangladesh, Dhaka. The university press limited, p-1.
  25. Rahman Khan, Zillur, (1948). Martial Law to Martial Law: Leadership Crisis in Bangladesh, Dhaka, University Press Limited. p. 118.
  26. Rahman, A.T. Rafiqur, (2008). Bangladesh Election 2008 and Beyond, Dhaka, University Press Limited, p. 40.
  27. Stephen, Holmes, (1999). Toeqeville and Democracy, Cambridge, Cambridge university press, p.23.
  28. U Ahmed, Moeen, (2009). Shantir Shopney: Samoer Smriticharan, Dhaka, Shaka, p. 334. New Papers 
  29. The Bangladesh observer, 13,18,19 October and 13,14 November, 1981. 
  30. The Biehitra, 28 October, 1983.
  31. The Daly  Sangbad, 16 December, 1984. 
  32. The daily Sangbad,1 and 2 March 1991.
  33. Dhaka Courier, 1-7 November 1991. 
  34. Dhaka Courier, 26 July-1 August 1991. 
  35. Dhaka, Somoy Press, p.32.
  36. The Daily Janakntha 17 February, 1996. 
  37. The Holiday, 2 July 1999. 
  38. The Daily Star 3-7 February, 2003.
  39. The Daily Star, 31 July, 2013. 
  40. The Daily star, 31 July, 2013. 
  41. The daily star, 22 March 2009. 
  42. The Daily Star, 31 July, 2013. 
  43. The Daily star, 31 July, 2013
  44. The Daily star, 22 March 2009.

Article Info:

Academic Editor

Dr. Sonjoy Bishwas, Executive, Universe Publishing Group (UniversePG), California, USA.

Received

November 2, 2024

Accepted

December 3, 2024

Published

December 12, 2024

Article DOI: 10.34104/ajssls.024.02410257

Corresponding author

Mst. Quamrun Nahar*

Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Rajshahi University, Bangladesh.

Cite this article

Nahar MQ. (2024). Democratic practice and challenges in Bangladesh: a general overview, Asian J. Soc. Sci. Leg. Stud., 6(6), 242-258. https://doi.org/10.34104/ajssls.024.02410257  

Views
279
Download
30
Citations
Badge Img
Share