In a highly globalized world where foreign cultures supersede local, traditional cultural norms, practices, and values, the indigenous peoples face the heavy burden of sustaining their indigenous traditions (Sartika et al., 2017). Although the distinctive social, cultural, and health needs of the indigenous peoples are widely acknowledged within larger mainstream communities, the preservation of their regional culture depends on their mindfulness of their part as cultural producers (Kuhnlein, 2016). This can only happen when 2 things are present: first is a systemic transmission of traditional knowledge to succeeding generations and second, the culture must align with modernism to find relevance in the present life. The above contention proposes that time filters out traditions based on their usefulness to the current society, not because of how old or recent they are.  A culture needs to be relevant to modern life for its sustenance. For instance, some indigenous natives, especially the elders, still practice their religion and art despite modernization because they are relevant to their day-to-day lives.  Contrastingly, the natives in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia no longer engage in traditional livelihood and modern education has eradicated the caste system. The most significant change happened when they stopped the horrid practice of a wife burning herself when her husband died (Sartika et al., 2017). Traditions have a significant role in our lives (Vlachová & Hamplová, 2023). They offer us a sense of belonging and identity, connect us to our past, and enable us to comprehend our place in the universe. They are crucial to our lives and the way we live them, to put it briefly. However, not all tribes are allowed to keep their traditions easily. Some tribes had to leave their homeland due to land expropriation and armed conflicts. Dispersed in small groups comprising families of 20 or more, these groups often find themselves wandering from place to place with the primary purpose of surviving. More often than not, they carry little or none of the artifacts, ancient crafts, and recordings of traditional tales and practices from their mother tribe such as the tribe being featured in this study. In October 2017, I met a group of natives who called themselves a Mamanwa diaspora living among the Basaynons (name of native residents living in Basey, Samar, Philippines). I learned that they left their main tribe in Surigao Province due to armed conflicts and land issues. Upon arriving, I found that over the years, the number of pure natives has been steadily decreasing and that, except for one or two Basaynons, none of them knew anything about the customs of the Mamanwa natives, and not a single person cared about them on a personal level. 

When I began to ask the natives, I found that the young generation was not the least acquainted with the knowledge, old habits, belief systems, and folklore because the elders were so busy trying to survive that they failed to teach these to the younger generation. Modernization and acculturation have consumed much of their cultural practices as they slowly integrated themselves with the locals. Apart from this, the Mamanwa have no School of Living Traditions near their place; hence, there was no way the young blood would have access to their culture. That time, I realized that if I let go of such a rare opportunity to gather information on the ethnography of the Mamanwa natives, it would certainly be impossible to retrieve trustworthy data in 10 to 15 years. This is because the number of elders who possess their traditional knowledge is dwindling every year due to death and illness. Likewise, there are just a handful of published papers about the Mamanwa that are freely available online. The dearth of information poses a challenge in verifying facts obtained from the natives. From this premise, I find it imperative to gather data in an attempt to rescue their culture, old habits, traditions, and folklore from extinction.  I understand that other diasporas are waiting to be explored and that each group may have a different perspective in projecting themselves considering their uniquely constructed realities. Realizing the difficulty of gathering many other diasporas for verification purposes, I would consider this a limitation in the study and encourage other researchers to investigate the same thing in another diaspora to find similar or conflicting statements or provide gaps in the knowledge system. I expected glitches in terms of the accuracy of accounts about sights and artifacts seen long ago, arranging the events in proper sequence, or giving a coherent and rational account of their beliefs and sacred customs. However, it is a fact that even memory can be manipulated. One of the challenges of ethnographic research is translating their ideas into the complicated context of the 21st century which in turn could be an imperfect representation of the Mamanwa lingua. Although it was with great effort to keep that error from occurring, it is undeniable that ones account depends much on its informants. Whenever possible, the information was verified through existing literature or by asking other members of the tribe living in another diaspora. I included extracts of information provided by other sources, all of which are acknowledged here. As observed, I have quoted mostly from the works of Balaquit, (2018); Belga et al. (2021); Diaz (n.d.); Malong, 2019; Picardal, (2017); Salvaleon, (2018); and Tomaquin, (2013). Even if I observed the same fact, I preferred to mention the older account instead of saying it in my own words to give credit to older historians and travelers who may have experienced more difficulty in obtaining the data. I included my interpolations which may at times sound redundant about the works done by previous authors. This paper first dealt with the history and general accounts of the manners and customs of the Mamanwa then went on to current specific observations and experiences resulting from their interaction with the locals in the community. The results of the study would benefit the current and future Mamanwa generation, researchers, teachers, cultural agencies, and organizations who intend to preserve Mamanwa culture and traditions.   

FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY

This study draws upon the salvage paradigm of Franz Boas which expresses a desire to save something genuine from damaging historical changes (Clifford, 1989; Dominguez, 1987). It stems from salvage ethnography referring to the process of gathering information from a people whose culture is important to humanity, such as fading facts, history, or statistics (Calhoun, 2002; Gruber, 1970). This is based on the premise that time and space are linear, irreversible, or non-repeatable, just like the water in a river. There is no turning around or going back. In this study, the main goal is to collect and preserve a genuine past before it vanishes to oblivion. Moreover, the theory of cultural relativism of Franz Boas (in Lowie, 1944) proposes that there are no absolute truths shared by all cultures, and only within the context of that culture can one study its beliefs and customs. Noting a direct link existing between social life and culture, Boas believed that ethical and social standards reflect the cultural context from which they are derived (Brown, 2008). According to cultural relativists, moral frameworks that govern relationships within various civilizations are influenced by cultural differences. This means that various Mamanwa diasporas, although belonging to the same clan typically carry unique cultural experiences, beliefs, perspectives, and traditions. Just as no two siblings in a family are exactly alike, we can expect variations in cultural representations among diasporic Mamanwa tribes (Shuval, 2000).

This study uses salvage ethnography, a term coined by Jacob W. Gruber (1970) referring to the practice of collecting and documenting under presumed cultural decline resulting from extinction, modernization, or acculturation. Salvage ethnography which is sometimes called urgent ethnography is linked to Franz Boas, the American anthropologist who led a team to document the disappearing Native American traditions from 1888 to 1903 (Jantz, 2003). Thus, the use of this method is based on the assumption that in about ten years, the pure cultural heritage of the Mamanwa of Basey will likely fade with the passing of its elders who carry their traditional knowledge as well their gradual integration into the modern culture. Legitimate and authorized access to the Mamanwa natives was endowed to the researcher being the project team leader and principal investigator of a university extension project launched in mid-2017 entitled, ‘Documenting the Life and Culture of the Mamanwa of Basey, Samar with the theme, ‘LNU: Lending a Hand, Building a Future. The project is part of UNESCOs global research initiative called, ‘Reorienting Teacher Education to Address Sustainability (Hopkins & Kohl, 2019). The project was likewise monitored by the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples. Data collection utilized in-depth interviews, and participant and non-participant observations (Creswell & Poth, 2016). Informed consent bearing the risks and benefits of the partnership was obtained to ensure that the informants had an informed choice to participate in the research study. Among the 88 members, I chose the informants based on their age, knowledge about the Mamanwa culture, ability to express themselves, and their willingness to join the interviews. My main informants were Pedro Cabadonga, male, aged 88; Paulita Cabadonga, female, aged 77; Conchita Cabadonga, aged 72; Jocelyn Lanta-aw, aged 70; Claro Calinawan, aged 70; Lorna Obiena, aged 67; Norma Calinawan, aged 55; Jennifer Cabadonga, the tribe Chieftain, aged 36; Shirley Calinawan, aged 42; and Jesus Montille, aged 37. Being the oldest and well-informed among the tribe members, but also failing to get proper education, they provided data mainly based on their autobiographical and episodic memories and some artifacts. The researcher also took the chance to interact with most of the 88 members during regular visits, often asking random questions to confirm observations. 

The following sections present the ethnography of the Mamanwa based on the accounts of informants which are supplemented and supported by earlier and recent accounts of other historians.

Who are the Mamanwa?

The Mamanwa are regarded as the oldest and second poorest indigenous group in the Philippines (Balacuit et al., 2018). A recent study hypothesized that the Mamanwa also called Conking, Mamaw, Amamanusa, Manmanua, and Mamaua were colonized by individuals having B3-b/2E genotype which belong to Filipinos and tribes in the Marianas Islands (Miranda, Takasaka, Zheng, Kitamura and Yogo, 2004). Although the Filipinos display a low frequency of the B3-b/2E genotype, it is solid proof that the Mamanwa occupied the Philippines long before the Filipino race came to the fore. However, after several decades, the Filipinos dominated the country while the Mamanwa were considered minorities. The Mamanwa belong to one of the three groups that hold a very distinct position in Philippine populations who live in the northeastern Mindanao provinces of Surigao and Agusan (NCCA, 2017). They belong to the Indigenous peoples group called the "Lumads”. Nonetheless, their kinky hair has earned them the nickname "Kongking." One possible origin for the term is the Spanish "conquista," which means "the conquered ones." Derived from the words "man" (first) and "banwa" (forest), Mamanwa means "First Forest Dwellers." They are mountain people with black skin, petite frames, kinky hair, snub noses, and black eyes. They are typically short, standing between 1.35 and 1.5 meters tall. They consider themselves uniquely beautiful (DepEd, Caraga, 2016). My informant disclosed that if given a choice, they would prefer to live in the mountains but because of their ambition to elevate their economic status, they are compelled to go down and live with people from other cultures (P. Cabadonga, personal communications, November 18, 2017). According to anthropologists and archaeologists, the Mamanwa came from the first people to live in the Philippines, who came around 50,000 years ago via land bridges connecting the island to the Asian mainland (People Groups, n.d.). The Mamanwa are the oldest tribe of people still living in the Philippines, according to Dr. Jaime Peralta, chief anthropologist at the National Museum. The Aetas arrived after this time. To this day, the Mamanwa were considered a Negrito subgroup, but anthropological and physical evidence suggests that this is not the case. The Tagalog term itim and the Bisayan term itom suggest that the root word "it," which means "black," is likely where the terms Aeta, Ayta, Agta, Ata, Ate, and Ita originated. The Mamanwa are therefore thought to constitute a separate group from the other inhabitants of the Philippines, which include the Austronesian-speaking peoples that currently make up the modern populations in addition to the other Negrito tribes (Bulbeck, 2013). According to evidence, the Mamanwa are an older group of Negritos who arrived in the Philippines from several groups, which had an impact on the Negritos in northeastern Luzon (Eder, 1991). Currently, there are approximately 5,800 Mamanwa in the country (People Groups, n.d.) with concentrations in Agusan del Norte principally in Kitcharao and Santiago. The oldest surviving ethnic group in Mindanao is the Mamanwa of the Caraga region, who are thought to be the Mambuti tribe of Africas direct ancestors (ICCA Registry, 2023). The Mamanwa are a nomadic people who live off of hunting and gathering. They also plant small crops, like yams, to help supplement their diet of foraging. In both town centers and the uplands, the Mamanwa have moved into more stable and consolidated settlements, yet some communities have kept high their traditional means of subsistence. However, they have also diversified into other economic practices, such as entrepreneurship and the provision of physical labor and other services. In general, forestry, inland fishing, mining, and agriculture continue to be the principal employers. The people, however, are very mobile, continually relocating themselves in search of subsistence. Lately, they have moved into Southern Leyte and other parts of Samar. The informants in the study are migrants located in Basey, Samar comprising 80 individuals with a few elders, parents, youth, and children. 

History of the Mamanwa Diaspora of Basey, Samar

The Mamanwa natives of Basey come from Brgy. Gigaquit, a 4th class municipality in the province of Surigao del Norte, Philippines. A mining business penetrated their quiet and bountiful property, causing a major change in land use, deforestation, contamination, erosion, and modification of soil profiles, as well as contamination of nearby streams and wetlands and an increase in dust, emissions, and noise levels. As a result, thousands of indigenous people were forced to relocate. My informants (Pedro & Paulita Cabadonga, personal communi-cations, December 19, 2017) narrated that they left their mother clan in 1992 and set off aboard boats known as baroto with three other families each comprising about seven people. Maimpis (children), bata-ay (teens), ina (mothers), ama (fathers), and mala-as (elders) made up the group. They initially arrived in Southern Leyte, where the majority of the Mamanwa diaspora chose to establish themselves. However, the informants, along with close relatives, moved to Samar and spent a few years living with a small group of Manobos (a group of people from Mindanao, Philippines) in Bagacay, a small barangay in Tacloban Citys northern region. The Mamanwa felt inferior to them in number and wits. They became so obedient that they had to start providing services before they could receive food and other essentials, which came from outside benefactors. This type of treatment was rejected by the Mamanwa. They have always believed that they are entitled to support from the government and other organizations as well as the freedom to be independent of other tribes. Following the 2013 super typhoon Haiyan that devastated Tacloban City, tensions between the two clans began to arise as they fought for the favor of sponsors. Ultimately, the Mamanwa tribe, who obediently followed the orders of the dominating tribe, was subjugated by the Manobos, who were led by a formidable and intelligent female chieftain. A happy meeting with a Christian organization would subsequently inspire the Mamanwa to declare their independence from the Manobos in 2014. They were given hope when the Alliance of Bible Christian Communities of the Philippines (ABCCOP), led by Bishop Chito Ramos, offered them a plot of land with ready-for-occupancy nipa huts at Sitio Wespal, Barangay Guirang, which is in the old town of Basey, Samar, Eastern Visayas, Philippines. This was done with permission from the Basey Local Government Unit. Since then, the organization has grown to include 23 families and about 70 individuals in total. They just permitted three more Southern Leytean families to move in with them, bringing the number to one hundred. After a year, they were living contentedly in their new house and forming a community under the direction of their elected leader and elders. According to Diaz (n.d.), the Mamanwa people may have been nomadic originally since they relied only on hunting and gathering rather than farming. Their kinship structure, which consists of a small kin group no bigger than the extended family or clan, and their marriage laws further contribute to this, making them a band society. Because they are a group that was once part of their original clan, they are also regarded as a close-knit diaspora.  

Geographical Location

Since the Mamanwa live in areas that are only reachable by foot and most of them prefer to live in modest dwellings along mountain slopes rather than in huge communities, it is often impossible to determine the Mamanwa population. The ancient Mamanwa originally lived in Surigao Citys Panlabaw, the foothills of the Diuata Mountains, and up to the mountain ranges break northwest of Lianga City. A small number of people lived on Panaon Island and in the mountains of Southern Leyte, while others lived in the mountains to the west and north of Lake Mainit (Miller, 1978). The Diuata Mountains are thought to be 6,601 feet high at their highest point, and the Mamanwa people wanted to avoid going above 4,000 feet because the upper elevations are extremely stony and cold. Thankfully, this region has gold and copper as natural resources (Miller, 1976). It was disclosed at the 2016 Pagkatibe na Mamanwa, which is recognized as the first-ever national assembly of Mamanwa leaders, that wealthy and influential migrant settlers engaged in illegal mining and logging have focused on the Mamanwa ancestral lands due to their size and abundance. According to reports, 90% (5,394,750 hectares) of the members ancestral lands were taken, forcing many of them to flee (PAFID, Mindanao and FUNDESO, 2016). The Mamanwa tribe has been progressively declining in population as a result of the so-called development projects, which have in actuality divided the whole tribe. Their lives have been shaped like a nightmare by the protracted land battles they have with the migrant settlers. Stronger tribes prevailed in court to reclaim their property, but other tribes were forced to flee their homes as a result of military confrontations, which exacerbated sociocultural and economic issues. Indigenous peoples make 42% less money on average than the national average since they are viewed as marginalized populations. Better possibilities have been denied to them due to a lack of access to essential services (PAFID, Mindanao and FUNDESO, 2016).

Government, Leadership structure and socio-political system

In the past, the Mamanwa political system has upheld democracy, shown the utmost respect for the elders, and given them authority and duty to keep the tribe peaceful and orderly. My informant (C. Cabadonga, personal communications, May 24, 2018) claims that the political system is informal and the result of important Mamanwa characteristics including honesty, a distaste for power, and a reluctance to advance ones interests. The Mamanwa are generally peaceful. Keeping the tribe orderly and harmonious is the chieftains or the elders primary responsibility. The norms enhanced by tradition are the recognized laws or regulations. Additionally, the chief is referred to as a Tambayon, a gifted orator, a competent counselor, or an arbitrator (Diaz, n.d.). The position of the Tambayon is not inherited. By just raising their hands, the elders select the Mamanwa tribes chieftain. Even if the leader of the tribe suggests a likely successor, a community vote will still be necessary. Interestingly, though, the role of the chieftain remains unchangeable and can only be terminated by recall or death. The chieftain may be recalled by the community for any reason at any moment. The only position of authority in the Mamanwa society is that of the tribe head. Within the Mamanwa community, the tribe chieftain is the only position of authority. Knowing more about the other aspects of Mamanwa society is necessary for an outsider to fully understand their power structures since each kinship group or diaspora has evolved differently due to interactions with their immediate environment and adaptations to changing times. Generally, a community is composed of kindred people. Most families have some sort of affinity or blood relationship with one another. Typically, the oldest and most esteemed male holds the position of leadership. However, my informant (J. Cabadonga, personal communications, November 29, 2017) claims that their perspective was altered by their prior interaction with the female Manobo chief who was selected as leader because she obtained the highest educational qualification. The Mamanwa were motivated by this scenario to select the member with the highest level of education, irrespective of age, gender, or socio-economic standing. The tribe as a whole feels that an educated leader can handle socio-political issues including advising the tribe, speaking on its behalf at meetings, and mediating or arbitrating disputes between the tribe and outside parties

Battles

The battles that the Mamanwa fight daily can be literal or figurative. For example, they frequently experience typhoons and other natural disasters that force them to seek refuge in the summits of mountains. Vrtikapa, (2022) investigates how the phrase "resilience," which is frequently connected to Indigenous communities, masks their voices, opinions, and the true problems they face. Numerous theories contend that there is a systematic extermination or Lumad dispossession whereby events are manipulated (Alamon, 2017). The real masterminds, the mining and logging companies, occupy the territories thanks to military intervention, which comes after suspicions that the IPs are being infiltrated by NPAs. Upon noticing this pattern, a large number of IPs feel they have been duped and approach the government for assistance in reclaiming their lands. They suffer significant losses as a result of these cases, which last a lifetime.  Not everyone can relate to this situation. The Mamanwa diaspora from Basey believe that fighting a struggle they perceive to be losing is pointless (J. Cabadonga, personal communications, December 19, 2017). My informant asserts that none of them would want to deal with the armed wars they dodged when they decided to leave their homeland. Right now, survival is what matters to them.  As long as the government provides them support, they can stay anywhere far from their ancestral lands. 

Language

The Mamanwa language is spoken by the Negritos living in the marginal, out-of-the-way places of northeastern Mindanao in Agusan del Norte and Surigao del Norte in the Lake Mainitarea of Mindanao, Philippines. They speak Minamanwa, which is regarded as a central Philippine language. Mamanua and Jaw Jaw are the two languages spoken by the Mamanwa people of Surigao. Grammatically conservative, Minamanwa maintains a three-way deictic distinction in its articles, something that is only found in a few Batanic languages elsewhere (Ross, 2005). An earlier group of Negritos lived on Samar Island prior to the advent of Minamanwa speakers in the islands center (Lobel, 2013:92). Lobel speculates that the Samar Agta might have kept Minamanwa or even shifted to Waray-Waray or Northern Samarenyo. Like all the Negrito groups in the country, the Mamanwa speak a language that is that of the dominant group. Even though the majority of them can now speak lowlander dialects like Waray-Waray, the language of Samar and Leyte, and Kana, a variation of Cebuano spoken in Southern Leyte, they still speak their dialect when speaking among themselves (S. Calinawan, personal communications, November 29, 2017). Some of their common expressions include Mora juno masim (Good morning); Maro juno kaudtubeu (Good afternoon); Andi ka aka poon? (Where have you been?); and Nahigugma a Ikaw (I love you). The younger Mamanwa are less fluent in Minamanwa because they converse in Cebuano, Waray, Filipino, and a little English with the locals where they currently reside. Like other Indigenous languages, Minamanwa is in decline as a result of succeeding generations losing skill in their native tongues and speaking the language of their adopted community. Since the children are schooling, they speak the language of their non-Mamanwa peers. This frequently happens when speakers want to acquire a more prestigious language, such as English or Filipino, to benefit socially and economically or to stay out of prejudice.  Currently, it is assumed that technology is having a significant impact on the patterns of Indigenous language learning (Lee & Sparks, 2015). While the Mamanwa elders still use Minamanwa to communicate with each other and occasionally with their children, the future of the language appears uncertain. The rising influence of social media and its dominant languages threatens the likelihood that the younger generation will continue to use Minamanwa in their day-to-day interactions.

Beliefs and Rituals

The Mamanwa Negritos main religion is animism, which holds that all living things, including plants, animals, and even inanimate objects, have a spiritual component (J. Cabadonga, personal communications, November 18, 2017). According to my informant (S. Calinawan, personal communications, November 18, 2017), the Mamanwa believe in their God, Magbabaja (an invisible Being with great power) who created mankind. They pray to the spirits who live in the forests, trees, rivers, and rocks. They believe they are guided by the spirits in everything they do. They pay respects through their traditional rituals. The elders, before and after they engage in farming activities, offer a thanksgiving ritual called Kahimonan which is done for roughly 2 hours on the highest spot of their sacred mountains which is kilometers away from their homes. This is the most sacred ritual of the Mamanwa. In celebrating the Kahimonan, the Agong (gong) and the guimbar (drum made from Iguana skin) are first sounded. Then the main Baylan or Baylanon (high priest/shaman) calls on the spirits (Tomaquin, 2013). They ask for blessings such as good harvest or give thanksgiving prayers.  They slaughter a white chicken and the Baylans are said to drink the blood from a clear glass. When the Baylan is in a trance, he would even eat the lighted candles and afterward drink clear, local wine from a glass. They believe that the spirits come and manifest their presence through the Baylans and give various messages to the people. The Igdatus or tribal chiefs and the Mamanwa are usually present in the ritual. Grand celebrations like "Kahimonan" are held not just for worshipping the Magbabaja and asking for blessings and thanksgiving. At other times it is held for other purposes like asking for protection and honoring significant visitors in their town or province. The rituals vary slightly in each diaspora. For instance, in one such ritual, all the Mamanwa wear traditional attire. More than two pigs are killed. Before the Oyagdok (altar), which is adorned with baby coconut and anahaw leaves, the Baylanon conducts a rite. The main Baylanon begins with the panawag-tawag prayer, after which he and the other three helping Baylanons recite the Tud-em kang daan malaaser inin Tribu (Oral history of Mamanwa). A wooden sinagdan (spear) is used to butcher 3 pigs during a traditional dance performed by the main Baylanon. After that, the guimbar drum is sounded and everyone dances. The community and visitors share the food from the offering. Another rite is called Magdiwata, which traditionally used to be a full moon worship rite (Maceda, 1994). This is characterized by the exacting preparation of meals such as vegetables, honey, young coconut fruits, poultry, rice, root crops, and fowl for the ceremony (p. 27). The worship service begins at 7:00 p.m. The community congregates in front of the oyagdok, or altar, which has a bonfire in the middle and an improvised lantern. The Baylanon circles the fire while dancing a ritualistic dance that lasts for an hour, accompanied by the guimbar, or drum made of dried iguana skin. Later on, the community is instructed to execute the Pagdayeg kan Magbabaja ritual dance (Praise for the Supreme Being) by the Baylanons wife. A celebratory dinner follows the community dance. After that, the villagers start dancing again around the fire while holding young coconut leaves as props. They eat once again after two hours of dancing. The associate Baylanons dance after the Baylanon leads a prayer to close the ceremony. Usually, the ceremony comes to a finish early in the morning. The Tephage is a ritual aimed at giving thanks to Magbabaja for an abundant harvest, harmony, and peace in the community. The Baylanons spouse spreads seven cups of rice throughout the rice farm.  Using a bamboo stick, women dig a hole large enough to accommodate a coconut tree, a symbol of endurance, abundance, and fortune. This is followed by a community singing of the harvest song. Then the Baylanon performs a ritual dance in the prayer area and offers a white rooster to Magbabaja in exchange for a bountiful harvest the following season. The ritual concludes with a communal prayer led by the main Baylanon with two associates in support (Malong, 2019). There is also the Padugo ritual which includes the slaughtering of a native pig, incantations, and drinking the pigs blood with local wine to cast away evil spirits (Malong, 2019). My informant (N. Calinawan, personal communications, November 18, 2017) also confirmed that they believe in Tagbanua which they describe as spirits and unseen beings residing and protecting the elements of their environment and to whom recognition and respect must be accorded otherwise they will be punished or afflicted by adverse incidents. A group of farmers would perform a ritual of offering manok na puti (white chicken) and ask the Tagbanua to protect their harvest. Afterward, they cook the chicken and eat together. Currently, less than half of the Mamanwa diaspora in Basey are still doing this practice while the majority are already engaged in Christian activities. They have an old practice of burning tawas (alum powder) to know if one is cursed or not by the heavens. 

Whenever one gets sick which is invalidated by medical results, they consider this a curse. To please the gods, they remove their clothing and bury them under the balete (rubber tree). This ancient practice is well-documented in the accounts of Malong, (2019) who investigated the rituals observed by 6 Mamanwa diasporas in Mindanao. Meanwhile, the Mamanwa have a birth ritual where the Mamanwa women during pregnancy would suppress their desire for food affecting the health and growth of the babies who naturally need nutritious food, especially while inside the womb of their mothers (Malong, 2019). It is not surprising that many Mamanwa children are malnourished. Because they consider the Panlabao and its surrounding forests to be the birthplace of their ancestors, the Mamanwa-Manobo hold them in high regard. The Baylan receive their spiritual and medical knowledge, as well as their healing talents, from the spirits who reside there (C. Calinawan, May 24, 2018). Just like the Mamanwa in Basey, those from other places like Mamanwa from the Caraga region were able to maintain their customs despite sociocultural changes brought about by the acculturation of various indigenous populations (Tomaquin, 2013). Although they are still working on becoming fully integrated into Philippine politics, they can keep the indigenous religion, institutions, and ceremonies.  

Mamanwa Institutions

The Mamanwa managed to preserve their institutions as evidenced by their continued practice of offering sacrifice to the supreme being they call Magbabaja (Nabayra, 2014). Every January, they hold celebrations in the mountains along with other indigenous groups like their version of Thanksgiving Day called Kalinunan intended for the wellbeing of Tagbanua. They also hold Araw ng Kalyagan, Kahinarunan, or Kalgasan where they hold reunions and assemblies attended by leaders who wear their traditional attire. Malong, (2019) presents an extensive documentation of the institutions practiced by the Mamanwa of Bantayakan of Sotel, Tandag, Surigao del Sur which bear similarities with the Mamanwa of Basey, Samar. No matter what they are celebrating, whether it is the selection of the Dakula or chieftain, installation of Baganis (village protector) and assistant Baganis to the prayer for harvest and thanksgiving for a good harvest, they hold a special ceremony presided by the Baylanon (Shaman). The ceremony for each special event is characterized by incantations and ritual dance led by the Baylanon. There are two types of Bagani: Bagani na Maabiabihon, which is like an information officer and is in charge of publicizing events, visitor schedules, and youth programs, and Bagani na Malinawon, who takes charge of peace initiatives with neighboring communities. The Bagani is required to become proficient in the Maayong Pamaatasan (Good morals), Tud-em, which is the Baganiship code of honor. A ceremony is organized for the installation of the two Baganis, the same way it is for the selection of Dakula. To the Mamanwa, being a Dakula (chieftain) is not a title passed down to descendants. The aspirant has to earn the respect of everyone; and must possess high morals and knowledge of the Tud-em (tribal folklore), and taboos. Contrastingly, the selection of the Bagani (protector of the village) can vary from having a young Mamanwa trained informally by an elder Bagani or the title is passed down from father to son. Remarkably, the Dakula can be male or female but the Bagani is usually a male. According to Malong, (2019) the Dakula and Bagani receive guidance from the Council of Elders called Malaas. They also have the Marigone or Marigon, an association of women whose aim is to assist the Mamanwa men in various activities of the village. This group is headed by the wife of Baylanon and composed of all the women inclusive of the married, unmarried, and widows. General assemblies, or kalumonan, are typically called when significant decisions need to be made. This is usually held three times a year or more frequently when pressing issues arise. Meanwhile, they also hold a ritual called Para Ka Tamama where they release Pato de lamar (a wild duck) into the river. They believe that setting the duck free enhances the number of fish caught. A wild deer is released into the forest to improve hunting harvest while a white chicken is released into the farm area to increase fertility and yield more produce. When one is extremely ill, one performs the one-and-a-half-hour ritual known as bakayayage. The Baylanon who chants the panambal, (healing) performs the rite. His wife notifies him of the sick peoples need for healing. Then the Baylanon recites prayers and incantations while dancing in front of the Oyagdok (altar). In an attempt to heal the unwell, a wild boar is killed and its blood is strewn around the ground.

Tud-om: Oral literature of Mamanwa

For many years, oral expression has been the avenue for information perpetuation and transmission. According to Alawi, (2016) chants known as Tud-om, also spelled Tud-em, along with dancing and other ritualistic practices, have been essential tools used by indigenous people to symbolize human feelings and values. Buenconsejo, (2008) echoes that Tud-om is an important ceremonial speech with melodic characteristics. There is a certain solemnity and ceremonial formality to this ritual speech. The text has parallels in phonics, syntax, and semantics, and it is sung to them. These chants are essential to the distinct identities of the many ethnolinguistic communities in the Philippines. They characterize people or groups as distinct and unique. Chants have been handed down through the generations to maintain the customs of the past. The Tud-om is often recited by the Mamanwa Babaylan, Mamanwa Datu, and other Mamanwa elders. It abounds with metaphorical language in terms of form and the literary pieces contain universal issues and cultural values (Suazo & Macer, 2015). Tomaquin, (2013) portrayed the Tud-om as the Manobos sacred prayers/verses. Their beliefs, values, and way of life are thoroughly thought out to be distinct from those of the dominant ethnic group. Salvaleon, (2018) offers a detailed narrative of 5 Tud-oms which were translated into English and recorded in the native Minamanwa dialect. The Tud-om exposed the cultural norms and universal themes of the Mamanwa Tribe in Surigao del Sur, which represent their ethnic realities. These themes include courtship, faithfulness, fighting for ones culture, farming, and wildlife. The Tud-om has the potential to enhance education by offering real texts for language curricula. Therefore, compiling anthologies of the oral writings of the Mamanwa can be a useful way to preserve this rich cultural legacy.  

Burials

When someone passes away, their remains are buried in the location of their death and they relocate afterward (N. Calinawan, personal communications, December 19, 2017). They reject the idea of a life hereafter. The body is regarded as having returned to the earth (banwa). But this practice is starting to fade because of acculturation and the influence of the religious group that first accepted them. Over time, their views on life and death have steadily evolved.  Many of them now believe in resurrection and life after death.

Folk Songs 

The Mamanwa folk songs are full of metaphorical language, much like their oral literature (Suazo, M. & Macer, 2015). The songs listed below were gathered from Basey, Samars Mamanwa locals. Mamanwa elders assisted in the verbatim transcription of the lyrics (J. Lanta-aw, L. Obiena & S. Calinawan, personal communications, November 6, 2020). Deep yearning for a loved one who has passed on or moved far away is depicted in the first song. The tone is depressing, yet it is also full of love and sincerity.

Song #1.

Minamanwa Translation

Kuwaloy di mamat- ow

kang singsing No miroy beroy

naku  abuy mangu ninom

Nako abuy maminan dop kung bubungan

Na tan do ngo pa nga non.

Kuwaloy nemamat ow, singsing meroy biroy

Even up to where my eyes can reach

Even if I feel you are so far away

Even if you have reached the farthest mountains

I remember you in my memories

The second song is a lullaby with depressing lyrics. My source, (S. Calinawan, personal communi-cations, November 6, 2020), claims that the kids feel alone when their parents have to travel elsewhere to find food and money or work on the farm. Their hardships as adults traversing streams and rivers and climbing hills and mountains to get to their goals are portrayed by the inclusion of water in the lowland and slope in the upland (J. Lanta-aw, personal communications, November 6, 20120).  

Song # 2   Lullaby

Minamanwa Translation 

Ina, Ina, uli Na

Sinabay baba

bangilid din dakod

Ina, ina, uli, adi kami, ina, ina Mother, Mother, please come home

Water in the lowland

slope in the upland

Mother, Mother, come home

we are here, Mother, Mother

Like the second song, the third song describes the lives of the Mamanwa adults, who frequently entrust their kids to a teenage girl who goes with them anywhere within the village. The song suggests how the elder Mamanwa kids pick up parenting skills early in life. A large number of these teenagers also get married early. It demonstrates their friendship and care for one another.

Song # 3

Minamanwa Translation

Isa- isa Koman

Yabayong kabilwang nga naga panaw-panaw

Ka banwa kabusa Only one maiden is left in the mountains

Who walks with and accompanies me

wherever we go even if it is far

The low self-esteem and inferiority complex that the Mamanwa experience as a result of their poverty is perfectly captured in the fourth song, "Lumad nga Mamanwa." Children who experience prejudice and discrimination serve as the personas representation in the song. They convey the way that society and other tribes hate and make fun of their group. A little toddler describes having just one old, ripped article of clothing. They have nothing else to wear when it gets washed. They had to wear the outfits to school even though they looked terrible. They eat bananas and sweet potatoes for lunch. All they can do is watch other kids consume healthier food.

Song # 4. Lumad nga Mamanwa

Minamanwa Translation

Lumad nga Mamanwa

Kaming lumad nga Mamanwa

Tinamay ang among tribu

Ginataw-an ug wala ilha

Pagkapait nga palandungon

Sinina kong gisi usa ra kabuok

Usa ra ka buok kang Nanay gilabhan

Dili alminuran, dili alminuran

Basta makaabot sa iskwelahan

Timpong tig risis, kuyog sa ‘kong klasmeyt

Palit silag kan-on, ako magatan-aw

Sa akong pagtan-aw, murag kahilakon

Kay Pobre man kami walay ikabalon

Timpong tiggutom saging ug kamote

Bukbukon ang saging, bukbukon ang kamote

Muhilak si Nanay, muhilak si Tatay

Muhilak sad kami sa among ka pobre. The Mamanwa Natives

We, the Mamanwa natives

Our tribe is despised

Mocked and denied of our existence

It is too painful to ponder

My only clothing is even ripped

Mother washes the only clothing I have

It is not bleached, it is not bleached

What matters is to be able to go to school

During recess, I go with my classmates

They buy rice while I watch

While watching I feel teary-eyed

Because we are too poor to bring food

When we are hungry, we eat bananas and sweet potatoes

The banana is rotten, the sweet potato is rotten)

Mother cries, Father cries

And we, too, cry wallowing in our povert

Overall, the Mamanwa folk songs express deep emotions of sadness, longing, and suffering reflecting the challenges of isolation and poverty. 

Secular dances 

Mamanwa diasporas differ in their views about their dances. My informants (P. Cabadonga, C. Calinawan & J. Lanta-aw, personal communications, November 18, 2017), for instance, explained the significance of their dance moves. They claimed that their dance represents an eagle looking for a prosperous site to call home. The dancers imitate the birds flight in grace and speed symbolizing their quest for food and a place to live. The above interpretation contradicts the accounts of Arimang, (2022) who established that Mamanwa ceremonial dances are performed to invoke favors and pay homage to their god, Magbabaja, also known as Tahaw among the Mamanwa in Lanuza, Cortes, and Buenavista. They utilize offerings and altars a lot. They were unable to keep up or retain even one article of traditional dress due to their itinerant lifestyle. They execute the following movements: stamp, hop, jump, tape, leap, close step, mincing, parallel tortilier (A. Pivot and turn heels, pivot; B. Slide-cut-hop; & C. Step and pivot close), and so forth.  The gongs percussion sound and the guimbar/gimbe-e are featured in all of their ritual dances (Arimang, 2022). The Karadjaw Festival in Surigao City called Bonok-Bonok Maradjaw, is a well-known dance event among the people of Surigao which traces its origin from the Mamanwa. The dance movements are still used by the Mamanwa for wedding ceremonies, worship, thankfulness, and festivities (Morion Travels, 2024). Bonok-Bonok Maradjaw Karadjaw translates to "Best wishes for rain showers!" The Bonok-Bonok celebration, which honors Saint Nicholas de Tolentino and is held in gratitude for a plentiful harvest, good health, and peace, now resembles a neighborhood Mardi Gras-style street dance (Word Press.com, 2018). Remarkably, dedication is a common element among all their ceremonial dances. A sense of humility and reverence is conveyed through the arm and body motions and dance steps. It is hoped that the young people can gain an understanding of the history of their race through this choreographic history, which can inspire artists to become more involved and active in educating the public about the customs and values of the Mamanwa culture

Games and amusements

The Mamanwa of Basey know very little about games and amusements. My informant (J. Cabadonga, personal communications, November 29, 2017) handed me a bunch of sticks and said they play pick-up sticks using sticks they make out of bamboo. They throw the sticks into a pile. There is a stick protruding. Next, without upsetting or moving any other sticks, one player will attempt to pick up one stick from the pile. Another is watching a show done by a middle-aged man who mimics the sound of animals in the forest. They also sound the guimbar and agong and perform their tribal dance. In recent years, they have learned to play basketball as they interacted with the non-Mamanwa community. 

Courtship and Marriage 

The general custom of Mamanwa marriage is arranged marriage called Taban. Boys marry around the age of 18, girls marry at around 14. Families cross-visit, resulting in an encounter with the children of the community rather than the anticipated engagement with youth (Sonza, n.d.). Mamanwa weddings are customarily held from March to May, throughout the summer. When the boy is between seven and ten years old, courtship starts (Maceda, 1994). When parents pay a visit to a prospective son-in-laws home, they tell the head of the household of their intentions for marriage. Meanwhile, the Mamanwa of Basey, Samar follow a unique practice in courtship and marriage (J. Cabadonga & S. Calinawan, personal communications, May 24, 2018). Unlike other cultures where couples experience a period of courtship, marriage in their context is arranged by the families of the couple. They have no idea about each other before the wedding because dating is not allowed. The informant shared that they are a highly conservative people. If a man accidentally holds the hand of a young virgin, he is considered to have committed an immoral act. As a consequence, he has to marry the girl at once or he can pay a large amount of money to compensate for the moral damages incurred by the other party. Usually, upon information of the incident, the father of the girl would throw one pail of water at the entrance of the girls house. If the man fails to ask for her hand before the water dries up, trouble is said to arise. In worst-case scenarios, this can result in the man and his entire family being in danger of annihilation by the family of the girl. There were occasions when young men broke this tradition but were not punished severely. My informant (S. Calinawan, personal communications, May 24, 2018) recalls how a young man from their tribe sneaked out at night to the room of the girl he liked so he could marry her. If the girl did not like to get married to the young man, the latter had to pay the girls family for the moral damages, otherwise they would be married without much hassle. Diaz (n.d.) revealed that the Mamanwa follow an uxorilocal marriage residence rule where the husband moves to the locality of the wife, keeping matrilineally related women together. Although this is the default among the Mamanwa, this is not strictly observed. The Mamanwa of Basey do not observe this practice since they live in a community managed by an external organization. Husbands and wives stay together in the same house. When children get married, they stay with their spouses regardless of who provides the dwelling place. In addition, the Mamanwa follow an incest ordinance that forbids members of their own nuclear or extended family from getting married off. On the other hand, some people engage in exogamy, which is when they wed someone who is not related to them but is from a different social group.  

Knowledge System and Education

Over the years, Mamanwa traditional knowledge systems and practices have steadily been declining due to cultural disintegration, migration, death of elders who carry oral traditional knowledge, changing lifestyles, attitudes, and priorities, the influx of popular culture, western education and religion, and influence of technology (Lee & Sparks, 2015; PAFID, Mindanao & FUNDESO, 2016). As the saying goes, "When an elder dies, a library burns down” (proverb). While some groups continue to fight for their rights to their land, other diasporas have decided to settle in their adopted communities. To encourage sustainable living and environmental stewardship, the Mamanwa today practices green learning, which combines modern environmental science with traditional Indigenous knowledge in educational approaches and practices (Rabasso & Rabasso, 2014). Green learning emphasizes the value of honoring and protecting traditional ways of life. It includes instructional strategies that are based on the profound ties that Indigenous peoples have to the land, their comprehension of ecosystem dynamics, and the sustainable practices that they have cultivated over many years. To demonstrate, the Mamanwa engage in farming using indigenous organic feeds and fertilizers to promote growth in their crops. According to my informant (C. Calinawan, personal communications, January 4, 2018), they also use parts of trees and plants for their arts and crafts but they replenish raw resources by planting new trees in the forest. During typhoons, they seek refuge from gable roofs (triangular-shaped roofs) and shed roofs (slanted roofs) huts located on top of the nearby mountain which they call Siete kilometros because it is 7 kilometers away from their home. Their aspiration to preserve their tradition is not without challenge. The pull towards conformity with the fast-paced world is far stronger than the young Mamanwas aim for cultural preservation (Oclarit et al., 2023). The older generation is now working to achieve a confluence by allowing the changes to help them adjust to the new world while maintaining relevant traditions. This method suggests a close relationship between green learning and spiritual values in the context of the environment and education. It means that while the adults continue to guide their young, they maintain a hybrid culture of combining tribal cultural values with contemporary education to create a transcultural learning process that can help the Mamanwa become more adept at adjusting to life in their new community. Contemporary institutions and ideals are affecting the expansion of education, modern technology, and migrants. There have been changes in the social, economic, and cultural lives of tribal people resulting from migration (Dey, 2015). Being exposed to modernization and globalization caused a shift in their cultural values, occupational structure, and role perception. It is also clear that patriarchal norms are fading as they regard education as a powerful factor in choosing a leader over the masculinity and strength of males. It is interesting to note how the Mamanwa use their local indigenous knowledge during disasters. For instance, during Typhoon Haiyan, the Mamanwa managed to come up with emergency evacuation and post-Haiyan relocation using weather forecasts from animals; tactics for securing food and livelihood; the role of community elders as local hazard forecasters; and celestial objects (Cuaton and Su, 2020). The Mamanwa carefully observe the moon and star formations, color, shape, and other uncommon sights which they interpret as either ominous or auspicious. After Typhoon Haiyan, the Mamanwa elders vowed to transmit this knowledge to the younger generations.  

Livelihood

The Mamanwa live hand to mouth and depend on the subsistence economy (S. Calinawan, personal communications, November 18, 2017). Their livelihood is based primarily on small-scale, slash-and-burn farming and very little wet rice farming. Food collecting is very important. Depending on the availability of food in each location, the food gatherers relocate now and then. They collect honey, nuts, tubers, orchids, rattan poles, and tubers. They employ a range of traps and hunting techniques as food gatherers. November through April is the wet season when hunting is most intense. The Mamanwa put up the gahong (pit traps) and bayatik (spear traps) in the forest to catch huge birds, deer, wild pigs, monitor lizards, iguanas, and monkeys. Nevertheless, they no longer employ the bow and arrow, which was once a crucial hunting tool. Patron-client relationships function in part to meet the subsistence needs of members of the surrounding community. They work very hard. They perform the same tasks as carabaos when they clear the ground. They dont own any land, so they plot on other peoples farms. They were forest dwellers once. Their methods were quite archaic. For instance, before relocating to the countryside, they had never used soap which is a basic necessity. They now lead a different lifestyle (J. Montille, personal communications, November 18, 2017). The Mamanwa village produces mementos for visitors. My informant (L. Obiena & S. Calinawan, personal communications, December 27, 2019) claims that they produce necklaces from the "kabug-kabug" seeds-a term for the seeds of the "salugay" vine—that grows in the dense forest some 25 kilometers from their village. Bracelets are made from sugar plants. At Baseys tourism office, they charge P50 ($0.89) for the necklace and P20 ($0.35) for the pen. L. Obiena (personal communications) recalls that the idea originated from her training with the Department of Trade and Industry to make a garland out of tikog, an aquatic plant that is usually perennial and is known to be abundant in the town of Basey. For Filipinos, baskets are a national symbol of agricultural and cultural significance (Pazon & Del Rio, 2018). As a matter of fact, Diaz (n.d.) reported that basket weaving is a well-liked Mamanwa production and a basic source of income. Their baskets come in various forms ranging from traditional bags and containers for goods, or by ladies belonging to various indigenous tribes as a status symbol. Basket weaving called shampoy or manguway entails removing the uways (rattan) bark. They begin with a set of spokes, or stakes, extending from the baskets bottom and serving as the framework for support. The sides of the basket are then created by weaving several strands over and under the spokes. 

They also manufacture bukag (a variety of baskets), duyan (hammock), trays, clothes bins, and other domestic things out of uway (rattan). The strings from the bark of a plant known as lagahit is used to weave cloth and make sleeping mats known as banig, which are created from the plant baliw. The Mamanwa have a strong preference for living close to the mountains which provide the resources they need to make a living.  The Mamanwa peoples work philosophy indicates that they view their labor as a means of meeting their needs in the face of the inevitable cultural deterioration brought about by globalization (Cutillas, Ocay, Alburo, & Montero-Ambray, 2022). According to a study on the Mamanwas means of subsistence and educational needs, they are mostly dependent on farming, hunting, and gathering forest resources. The authors found a strong correlation between their high rate of poverty and illiteracy as well as big family sizes (Balaquit, Quezada & June, 2018). This suggests that education might not be as important to the Mamanwa.   

Ethnomathematics

Apart from farming, the Mamanwa of Basey earn their keep through various handicraft products such as baskets, bracelets, hammocks, and mats. They use organic raw materials like abaca, the bark of tree trunks, wood, uway (rattan), and other Indigenous resources. Most of them are illiterate when it comes to measurement and numbers. By closely observing their products, one can deduce that their products resemble nature in many ways. They are characterized by a lack of symmetry, irregularity in shape and outline, no refinement, and imperfection. Although they are unfamiliar with the aspects of geometry, they surprisingly apply it in their crafts.  However, most of their measurements are done using their palms, fingers, arms, and sticks (J. Montille, personal communications, September 15, 2017). For purposes of earning more, they normally produce products in bulk but then, a closer look at the products will reveal inconsistencies in dimensions such as lengths, widths, depth, or volume. 

Meals and drinks

My source (S. Calinawan, personal communications, December 19, 2017) claims that the Mamanwa primarily enjoy rice, paksiw (vinegar stew), kalape (fruit rattan, which has a sweet and sour flavor), and ubod ng uway (rattan core/shoots). They also consume green, leafy vegetables like ganas (camote tops), kangkong (water spinach), and root crops like balanghoy (cassava), and camote (sweet potato). They consume common fish, such as tamban (sardinella), as it is less expensive than other varieties. Additionally, another informant stated that they do not adhere to set mealtimes, such as breakfast, lunch, and dinner (J. Lanta-aw, personal communications, November 7, 2018). When they are hungry, they search for food. They occasionally eat once or twice a day. They rarely eat three times a day since they cannot afford it. They used to cook with dry branches logs and two stones to create friction to start a fire. A handful of them began utilizing single burner stoves as they relocated to the lowlands to interact with non-Mamanwa people.  Surprisingly, despite being mountain residents, they dislike tuba, an alcoholic beverage manufactured in the Philippines from the sap of various palm tree species. Rather, they like Ginebra (Philippine gin) and Tanduay (Philippine rum) which they also use when conducting rituals. 

Medicine

There is a decline in Indigenous healing worldwide due to epistemic racism which promotes a preference for conventional biomedical knowledge over Indigenous healing practices and customs (Matthews, 2017). Regardless of their advantages, most indigenous health laws, customs, and practices, for example, are frequently prohibited from influencing local health institution procedures. However, in the Philippines, folk medicine practices such as tayhop (gentle blowing of air), pagtatawas (diagnostic ritual using candle wax dropped in a basin of water), orasyon or bulong (mystical prayers), himulso (pulse checking), hilot (traditional massage), pangontra or kontra-usog (carrying an amulet to prevent diseases), pasubay (determining the cause of sickness and possible treatment), pangalap (searching of medicinal plants), tutho (saliva blowing), tapal (applying folk medicine on the affected area), anting-anting or pampaswerte (lucky charm), and barang (sorcery), remain to be rampant even among the Mamanwa tribes (Rondilla, Rocha, Roque, Lu, Apolinar, Solaiman-Balt, et al., 2021). In particular, the Mamanwa employ traditional herbal remedies such as makahiya to treat asthma and lagundi leaves to treat coughs and colds. These herbs are known to possess diuretic, antimicrobial, analgesic, depressive, and antispasmodic qualities. The informants claim that their exposure to nature rarely causes them to become ill (C. Calinawan, personal communications, November 29, 2017). Their usage of traditional medicine may be more culturally safe for them than the current industrial health system because their bodies are more accustomed to natural rather than synthetic treatments (Mattews, 2017). Salacia korthalsiana Miq, also known as Polipog, is used by the Mamanwa in San Isidro, Las Navas, Northern Samar, according to a recent report (Belga, Mahinay &Vicencio, 2021). Its leaves, roots, and stem are used to treat a variety of illnesses, including hypertension, asthma, menstrual issues, itching, wounds, inflammations, fever, cough, and colds Sal. Meanwhile, Nuneza, Rodriguez, and Nasiad (2021) reported 78 plant species used by 10 Mamanwa diasporas in Surigao del Sur. It is known that 78 plant species, divided into 70 genera and 42 families, are used in local communities to cure a range of illnesses. With ten species that were said to have therapeutic properties, the Family Asteraceae dominated. With 32 plant species, or 41% of the 78 species, trees made up the greatest portion. In terms of the plant parts used, leaves account for 46% of all uses. Decoction (40%) was the most popular method of preparation, followed by poultice (18%) and heating over fire (14%).

Housing 

The Mamanwa are primarily found nowadays, crisscrossing the enormous Diwata mountain ranges in the hinterlands of Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur.  In steep ridges or valleys, settlements are often modest, with three to twenty households. Traditionally, the dwellings are placed in a circle and are without walls. Today, the Mamanwa are predominantly found in the hinterlands of Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur crisscrossing the vast Diwata mountain ranges.  Settlements are generally small, numbering from three to twenty households in high ridges or valleys. The houses are usually arranged in a circle. On the other hand, Basey, Samars Mamanwa were given a nipa hut situated next to the Cadac-an riverbank. In contrast to the non-Mamanwa inhabitants, their homes are located beneath the road, making them more vulnerable to flooding during typhoons. The little huts, which are roughly 20 square meters in size, are positioned horizontally facing the road that can accommodate a five- or six-person family. It has steps that lead to a little porch, the living room, the kitchen, and the bathroom. It is somewhat elevated. The family uses the living room as their bedroom and a place to sleep and dine. Their labor area, where they weave mats, baskets, and other items, is also the living room (C. Calinawan, personal communications, September 15, 2017). A sizable hall with a concrete floor and galvanized roof stands in front of their homes and serves as a multi-purpose hall to welcome guests, hold celebrations, or gather for an assembly or special meeting. Although it is walless, 3 nearby walls have linked benches. There is an open entryway on one side where they enter and leave. The hall also functions as a working station for the bulk manufacture of particular goods, such as baskets, mats, and bracelets. 

Water and Electricity 

The Mamanwa are accustomed to living without electricity. In their first dwellings in the mountains, they used torches and kerosene lamps. Even though they all live in sophisticated societies, not all of them have access to electricity. The chieftain requested assistance from the local government unit because of the heavy weight of sustainability if they requested power connections. However, they failed to obtain support from the government. Apart from electricity, water has also been an issue. It was previously obtained from faucets that had direct connections to Balantak Falls. However, according to my source (P. Cabadonga, personal communications, February 12, 2020), the leaking pipes need to be replaced. As of now, our university team installed a single faucet that is directly connected to the barangay and has become the major water source for the Mamanwa community.  

Clothing

The Mamanwa tribe historically wore clothing made of bark fabric, bamboo, and abaca, all of which are found in woods. The women are dressed in a yellow shirt and skirt with three stripes of dark gold, black wavy lace, and white at the hem, sleeves, and collar, respectively. The males dress similarly, with loose pants and a long-sleeved shirt. They adorn themselves with beaded jewelry as decorations and wear red headdresses made of fabric with hanging beaded jewelry at the sides.

Aspirations

Young adults, older generations, teenagers, and small children all responded in the same way when asked what their aspirations are: to contribute to their communitys success. They value the prosperity of everyone in their society because they see it as their shared home (J. Cabadonga, personal correspondence, November 7, 2018).  They strongly believe in unity, cooperation and care for each other.

Changing Socio-Cultural Landscape

Over the years, the Mamanwa have witnessed a waning of their customs, traditions, and established systems of authority (ICCA Consortium, n.d.). Traditional knowledge and belief systems serve as the foundation for any tribe; thus, the modifications in cultural structures pose a threat to the future of the IPs. Studies revealed that the changing cultural landscape was caused primarily by the opening of Mamanwa land to the mining industry, the Philippine governments provision of education services to indigenous groups, and the local government services to various IP communities (Picardal, 2017; Tomaquin, 2014). Their interdependent interactions with people resulted in internal changes in their life pathways. Discrimination and overpowering outside influences are also causing them to lose pride in their own culture. Despite being challenged by low income, inadequate infrastructure, health and environmental issues, domestic violence, strained relationships, and inequality in education (Espada, 2023), the evolving socio-cultural landscape of the Mamanwa ultimately reflects both the resilience of their traditions and the inevitable influence of modernity, shaping their identity in a rapidly changing world.

Limitations of the study

While this ethnographic study seeks to provide an in-depth exploration of the fading culture of the Mamanwa people in Basey, Samar, Philippines, several limitations should be acknowledged: 1)Time Constraints. The researcher may not have been able to capture the full range of cultural practices, beliefs, and daily activities of the Mamanwa people; 2) Access to Informants- Some community members may have been hesitant or unable to participate due to personal or cultural reasons, limiting the breadth of perspectives represented in the study.; 3) Language Barriers- While efforts were made to communicate effectively, potential language barriers between the researcher and the Mamanwa people may have impacted the quality of data collection; 4) Cultural Sensitivity and Bias- The researchers background, worldview, and preconceptions could introduce bias in the interpretation of the data; 5) Scope of Cultural Representation- The Mamanwa community in Basey may not fully represent the entire Mamanwa population in the Philippines; hence findings may not be generalizable to all Mamanwa groups across regions; 6) External Influences on Culture- The ongoing influence of modernity, external cultures, and government policies may have altered the traditional practices of the Mamanwa people, making it difficult to discern which aspects of their culture are indigenous and which have been influenced by external factors; 7) Ethical Constraints- Given the sensitive nature of cultural preservation, the researcher prioritized ethical considerations such as informed consent, cultural respect, and confidentiality. As a result, certain cultural practices or beliefs that were deemed too sensitive may not have been fully explored, limiting the depth of the research in these areas. By acknowledging these limitations, it is hoped that future researchers will consider these challenges and build upon this study to further enrich the understanding and preservation of the Mamanwa culture.

In conclusion, this ethnographic study illuminates the resilience and rich cultural heritage of the Mamanwa people in Basey, Samar, Philippines, underscoring the urgent need for collective action to preserve their traditions and way of life. As we confront the challenges of modernization and cultural erosion, we must recognize and support the Mamanwas efforts to reclaim their identity and ensure that their stories, practices, and values continue to thrive for future generations. The survival of the Mamanwa culture is not merely a matter of preserving the past, but a crucial component of our shared human heritage, reminding us of the importance of diversity in an increasingly homogenized world.

The author wishes to thank the Mamanwa of Basey, Samar for their active involvement in the documentation of their life and culture; the researchers and historians for sharing their work on the Mamanwa traditions; and to God who made everything possible.

I declare no conflict of interest that may have influenced the writing and publication of this manuscript.