Newspapers from Dacca started to appear on their own after Pakistan was established in 1947. East Bengal, which became known as East Pakistan in 1955, published a total of 27 daily newspapers during the Pakistan Period, particularly from 1947 to 1970 (Haider, 2010). In the 18th and 19th centuries, however, Daccas general circumstances were very different. During the Mauryan era in ancient India, certain individuals were tasked with gathering all types of information from the region. Kautilya, an Indian philosopher, compared this line of work to journalism. Wakia Nabis, whose job it was to transmit various types of intelligence to the Mughal Royal Court, was also cited by historians. During the colonial era, Dutchman William Bolts took the first steps towards professional journalism in the Indian subcontinent (Moslem et al., 2015). His plan to publish a newspaper was rejected by the East India Company because they were concerned that information about corruption might be leaked. Bolts was also charged with corruption. He was therefore returned to England (Ghosh, 1952; Mohsin, 2024). 

The Bengal Gegette, also known as the Calcutta General Advertiser, was Indias first printed newspaper. James Augustus Hicky served as its editor from January 29, 1780. Its front page bore the words "Hickrs Bengal Gegette" (Chandra, 1987). In April 1818, the Christian Missionary of Serampore took the initiative to launch another Bangla journal, Digdarshan. The weekly Samachar Darpan was brought out from the same location a month later on May 23, 1818. Both newspapers were edited by John Marshman. Another school of historians disagreed, arguing that the Bangal Gazette was the first Bangla newspaper to be produced. Raja Rammohon Roy was its patron. Since there was no educated middle class Muslim society in Eastern Bengal in the middle of the 18th century, these publications were primarily written for the amusement of the wealthy Hindu class of Calcatta. When several educational institutions were established in Dacca around the middle of the 19th century, things began to change. The Calcutta Monthly Journal noted that a society had recently been established for the cultivation of the Bangla language, which considered the establishment of newspapers in both Bangla and English. This helped to create the need for Bangla newspapers and contributed to the development of an educated class (Dhar, 1985). 

The first East Bengali Bangla newspaper did not publish from Dacca, despite the fact that the atmosphere was better than it had been. Published in 1847, Rangapur bartabaha [Messenger of Rangpur] was a literary news weekly with its headquarters in Rangpur. The Dacca News, edited by Alexander Forbs, was the first newspaper from Dacca and the second from Bangladesh. There wasnt a Dacca newspaper published for a while after the Dacca News. W. W. Hunter claims that the Dacca News was first published in 1869 under the name the Bengal Times and then again in 1905 under the name the Eastern Bengal and Asam Era (Jahan, 2008). Syed Abdur Rahim, a Muslim, edited the first newspaper, The Balaranjika [Charming Girl] (1873). Prior to it, an advertising in the Dacca Prakash on October 3, 1861, provided information on another newspaper called the Faridpur Darpan [Mirror of Faridpur]. Following the Partition of Bengal in 1905, when a nationwide revival with fervent political involvement occurred, the number of newspapers progressively rose. The Herald, East Bengals first English-language daily, was published from Dacca in 1916 (Jahan, 2008).

West Bengal was predominantly Hindu, whereas East Bengal was predominantly Muslim. Calcutta was the centre of trade, commerce, literature, and the arts in west Bengal. However, at the time, East Bengal was a poor region with a low literacy rate. Newspaper publishing was opposed by the number of middle-class educated people, the communication infrastructure, and the printing facilities. Therefore, bringing out newspapers from Calcutta was always easier than doing it from Dacca or East Bengal. Following Indias 1947 Partition, the overall handicap situation seemed more dire. After the partition, most of the newspaper owners migrated to Calcutta as they were mostly upper or middle class Hindus. So there created a vacuum and no information of publishing newspaper from Dacca is found then. Immediately after partition some newspapers continued their operation from Calcutta. However, they gradually shifted to Dacca and started their activities along with some new Dacca based newspapers.

It is fair to say that, although a lot of books have previously been published about Bangladeshi newspapers, not much has been done thus far, especially when it comes to the emergence, growth, and fall of the daily newspapers in Dacca during the Pakistani era. Writers have mostly concentrated on the evolution of British Bengali newspapers. Others have mentioned in brief the founding of the daily newspapers in Dacca while elucidating the newspapers contribution to the growth of Bengali nationalism against the ruling class in Pakistan. In this context, some books can be mentioned, such as Bangladesher Songbadpotrer Itihas (1780-1947) [History of the Newspapers in Bangladesh (1780-1947)] by Sheema Moslem, Shafiqur Rahman and subroto Shangkar Dhar (2003, Dhaka: Bangladesh Press Institute), Bangladesher Songbadpotro O Sangbadikota [Newspapers and Journalism in Bangladesh] by Julfikar Haider (2007, Dhaka: Nabajug Prokashoni), Bangladesher Songbadpotro [Nespapers in Bangladesh] by Subroto Shangkar Dhar (1985, Dhaka Bangla Academy), Bangladesher Sadhinota Songram Itihas O songbadpotro 1947-71 [The Liberation of Freedom of Bangladesh: History and Newspaper 1947-71] by Dr. Emran Jahan (2008, Dhaka: Bangla Academy). Therefore this essay aims to investigate, clarify, and analyse the founding, growth, and demise of a few Daccas daily newspapers throughout the Pakistani era (1947–70). 

A newspapers editorial policy, news items, and point of view are typically influenced by the political beliefs of its owner. The majority of newspaper owners, editors, and publishers during the Pakistani era were either directly or indirectly involved in politics. At the same time, due to the political and economic turmoil, newspaper ownership changes were rather common. Each of these factors had an impact on the related newspapers viewpoint, editorial policy, and ideology. Several daily newspapers were published from Dacca between 1947 and 1970. The Azad, the Ittefaq, the Morning News, the Jindegi, the Pakistan Observer, the Insaf, the Sangbad, the Millat, the Ittehad (Bhashani), the Purbadesh, and the Sangram were among those involved in various incidents that are regarded as turning points in the history of Bengali nationalism. All of these newspapers will be taken into account in this article. This study will use a historical approach as its fundamental technique. The events will be recounted and analysed using a historical timeline.

The Establishment and Growth of A Few Daily Newspapers in Dacca (1947-70)

The Azad

Under the active leadership of Maulana Akrom Kha and with financial assistance from A. K. Fazlul Haq, the right-wing daily the Azad [Azad means independent] was established on October 31, 1936. The newspaper first began by focussing on the 1937 General Election and the Muslim community. The activities of Fazlul Haq and his Krishak Proja Parti (KSP) were covered and supported by it. Maulana Akrom Kha and his daily newspaper gradually became supporters of the Muslim League and Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Haider, 2010). The goal of the daily was to serve as a voice for the Muslim population in India from the start. Given that "Only daily of Muslim Bengal and Assam" was printed on the top of the daily, it was particularly thought to represent the opinions of the Muslims in Bengal and Assam (Abdullah, 2009). The papers inaugural editorial, "Azader Attmonibedon [Self Dedication of Azad]," outlined its goals and motivations. The editorial stated that the dailys goal was to serve society as an authentic representation of the three main tenets of Islam. Abul Kalam Shamsuddin, the dailys longest-serving editor, stated during an explanation of the Azads history that Muslim journalism and newspapers could not be established without the Azads active involvement (Ullah, 1983). It was printed by Mohamoddi Press and published from 86 Lower Circular Road, Calcutta. 466 Calcutta was the number to call it. Despite publishing from Calcutta, the dailys news articles mostly concentrated on and highlighted East Bengali happenings. 

In an era of political and religious unrest prior to the 1947 Partition, it was difficult for a pro-Pakistan daily like the Azad to voice its independent opinion. For instance, the Calcutta communal violence on September 7, 1947, prevented the publication of the paper (Ahmad, 204). The Azads final Calcutta edition was released on October 12, 1948, with the announcement that the following issue would be released from Dacca on October 19. In the meantime, the Azad administration leased a block of land next to Dhakessori Road from the East Bengal government for the dailys office. With Abul Kalam Shamsuddin as editor, Abu Zafar Shamsuddin, a previous Dacca correspondent, as assistant editor, Khairul Kabir as news editor, and Mujibur Rahman Khan in the editing department, the Dacca chapter of the newspaper began here (Dhar, 1985). 

In this manner, shortly after India and Bengal were divided in 1947, the Azad became one of Daccas most prominent daily publications. Mawlana Akrom Kha, the dailys owner, was active in Muslim League politics. He served as the East Bengal Muslim Leagues president. It affected the dailys news stories and editorial stance. Maulana Akrom Kha was reassigned after the provincial Muslim League rejected his resignation on June 18, 1949, after the Muslim League candidate lost the by-election in the Tangail constituency. On the same day, the Azad spoke of Akrom Khas allegiance and said that the Muslim League party would never be denied his services. In an editorial headed "Tangail Uponirbachon [Tangail By-Poll]," the daily criticised the actions of the Central Muslim League following the bad outcome of the by-election to the Tangail constituency. According to the daily, the Muslim League lost the battle of Tangail. Later in the 1940s, the dailys development was not without its challenges. In particular, the newspapers editorials in 1949 attacked the governments actions, sparking a heated debate within the East Bengal Legislative Council. In response, the government stopped allocating advertisements to the newspaper and barred Azad staff reporters from attending the legislative session (Islam, 2002a). The daily served two purposes over the whole Pakistani era. Its news stories occasionally had a strong communal bent, opposing both girls involvement in cultural events and Tagore melodies. The contentious nature of the newspaper was evident in the Language Movement (1948-52) as well. The paper occasionally backed Bangla while simultaneously publishing a number of editorials and sub editorials rejecting the need for Bangla to be the official language of Pakistan. The governments plan to write Bangla in Arabic letters was even backed by the daily at one point. 

In addition to these detrimental functions, the daily was a major supporter of Bengali nationalism in the second half of the 1960s, led by Akrom Khas son Kamrul Anam Khan. The Azad played a significant role in the 1969 public uprising and the struggle against the Agartala Case against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others, despite their resistance to the Awami Leagues Six Points for autonomy. At first, India was blamed by the daily for the Agartala Conspiracy. On January 9, 1968, the daily issued an editorial titled "Agartala Shorojontro [Agartala Conspiracy]" in this regard. The daily covered the case statement on a regular basis under a special report called "Tribunal Kokkhe [In the Tribunal Room]" even though it did not endorse the political beliefs of Mujib and the Awami League. Those case statements were written by chief reporter Foyej Ahmed. Although he was unable to express every detail, he used words and statements that helped to influence Bengali public opinion against the Agartala Case in his report (Ahmed, 1994). Due to Governor Abdul Monem Khans allegiance to the Aiyub Khan administration, the daily decided in the late 1960s not to publish his picture (Haider, 2010). 

The Azads beneficial influence persisted throughout the 1970 election in Pakistan. The daily was consistently in favour of holding the election on schedule and was against any form of postponement. The daily frequently published editorials, sub-editorials, and reports about the election campaigns of various political parties and leaders, despite its support for the Council Muslim League [a faction of the Pakistan Muslim League and split from the Conven-tion Muslim League, which backed Aiyub Khans military regime] in that election. The daily routinely covered Mujib and Awami League-related news in particular. The Azad contributed to the shaping of public perception of Bengali nationalism in this way.

The Ittehad

Since the majority of newspaper owners and editors were politically active, personal political conflicts were one of the negative factors that hindered the growth of the newspaper industry in early Pakistan. An excellent illustration of it is the Ittehad [Ittehad meaning unity]. On December 19, 1946, the newspaper was established, with Abul Mansur Ahmed serving as editor and Nawabzada Hasan Ali Chowdhury as director. Hasan Ali Chowdhurys father was Syed Nawab Ali Chowdhury, a British government minister and the landlord of Dhanbari, Tangail. The paper included some of the best journalists from later East Pakistan, including Sirajuddin Hossain, Tofajjal Hossain, and K. G. Mustafa. Poet Ahsan Habib oversaw the literature page, while Rokanuzzaman Khan (Dada Bhai) was in charge of the childrens page. The Ittehad was a popular newspaper by circulation prior to the 1947 partition. Following the partition, it continued to operate out of Calcutta, and printed copies arrived in Dacca on an Oriental Airways morning flight (Haider, 2010). 

Unfortunately, the publication was unable to relocate its operations to Dacca for political reasons. Abul Hasim and the Sohrawardi subgroup of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League received backing from the Ittehad. Since Maulana Akrom Kha was the head of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, their opposition subgroup, which was commanded by Nazimuddin and Akrom Kha, was more potent. This group had the backing of the Azad (Dhar, 1985). The Ittehad consistently highlighted East Bengali events and published helpful critiques. In order to combat the paper, the Provincial Muslim League Government of the time adopted a campaign of persecution. The Ittehad, the Anandabazar, and the Sadhinota were charged by the Muslim League Government in December 1947 of causing strife between Bengali and non-Bengali speakers of Urdu. They labelled it "pro-Indian" and prohibited it from entering East Bengal. The government further banned the publication for printing "anti-Pakistan" news and placed pre-sensor monitoring, fines, and restrictions on it in another order dated June 9, 1948 (Jahan, 2008). 

The government once again barred the Itthad from publication for criticising the government in the food smuggling crisis, despite the fact that its news editor, Muhammad Modabber, made the required measures to lift the restriction. The newspaper began publishing within a few days, but in June 1949, the government once more prohibited it from entering East Bengal due to the publication of a critical political editorial. In early 1950, the Ittehads publication finally came to an end (Haider, 2010). One may argue that in East Pakistan throughout the 1950s and 1960s, repression of media with opposing political viewpoints was rather widespread.

The Morning News

With Khaja Nuruddins active assistance, the right-wing daily The Morning News was established in 1942. Nuruddin also owned the paper. He was a descendant of Khaja Najimuddin, who was notorious for his detrimental role as Prime Minister during the Language Movement, and a member of the Dacca nawab family. It was initially edited by Abdur Rahman Siddiqui. Prior to Pakistans formation, the daily strongly supported Pakistans demands. On March 20, 1949, following the division of India, the daily moved to Dacca and began operating as a weekly. In the same year, on December 25, it changed to a daily once more (Dhar, 1985). The Morning News supported the Muslim Leagues Nazimuddin group in Dacca and Calcutta. Throughout Pakistans history, it was the only daily to continually reject Bengali nationalism and back the most conservative political forces. Being a right-wing publication, the daily opposed Bengali literature, culture, and language from the start and referred to them as Hindu sacraments and rituals. Banglas request to become the official language was denied. Students set fire to The Morning News Press on February 22, 1952, due to its detrimental influence in the Language Movement (Ahad, 2004). 

In order to produce newspapers that supported the government, Aiyub Khan founded the National Press Trust in 1964. The Morning News began publishing simultaneously from Dacca and Karachi after the Trust assumed overall management for it. It chastised the Awami Leagues Six-point and autonomy proposal. During the 1969 popular uprising, the newspaper persisted in its negative stance and denounced the students actions. As a result, on January 24, 1969, the organised crowd assaulted and burned the newspaper office (Dhar, 1985). Only statements from various political parties and leaders pertaining to Yahya Khans address were published by the daily before to the 1970 election in Pakistan. Other significant concerns and demands, such as regional autonomy and Six-Point Program by the Awami League, Professor Muzaffor Ahmeds Eleven-Point, and the authors and writers desire to remove the Press Ordinance, were entirely ignored.

The Jindegi

Jindegi is a term that signifies "lifetime." It was among the newspapers that were published in Dacca during Pakistans early years. Editor S. M. Bazlul Haq began publishing the Jindegi as a bi-weekly, but on September 4, 1947, it became a daily. It cost one anna, which at the time was equal to six paisas (hundred paisa is equal to one taka), Pakistans currency, and it was distributed from 263 Bangshal Road in Dacca. "Only Distributor of Kashmir and Haidarabad" was displayed at the top of the four (4) pages dailys front page. Both Hydarabad and Kashmir were in a state of conflict at the time (Mukul, 2014). Due to a financial and other crisis, the Jindegis owner closed it down after a few days. Despite its brief existence, the Jindegi was significant because it was the site of a recent publication called the Sangbad, which played a significant role in Bengali nationalisms history.

The Pakistan Observer

English-language daily demand was extremely strong following the formation of Pakistan for a number of reasons: 

1. There was no English-language daily in East Bengal prior to 1948.
2. Because Pakistan was a multilingual nation, it was crucial to have an English-language daily to keep the two wings of the country communicating.
3. Starting an English-language newspaper in East Bengal was a viable commercial venture shortly after Pakistan was established.

Hamidul Haq Chowdhhury, a Muslim League politician, lawyer, and provincial minister, made the decision to start an English-language daily in the aforementioned scenario in order to expand his political clout and earn money. He first proposed starting a Bangla daily, but he had to rethink his idea because there werent enough Bangla typewriters. The Pakistan Observer carried an English typewriter from Lahore via aeroplane. The Pakistan Observer began publication on March 11, 1949, with Mohammad Shehab Ullah serving as editor prior to the by-pole to Tangail. Journalists in the editorial department included Mohammad abdul Hai and Johur Hossain Chowdhury. Mohammad Shehab Ullah quit the paper a few months later to begin practicing law. Abdus Salam, an English literature student, became an editor of the Pakistan Observer on June 3, 1950. In protest of the prejudice against Bengalis, he resigned from his position as an officer in the Pakistan Audit and Accounts Service (Haider, 2010). 

Together with its owner, Hamidul Haq Chowdhury, the English daily made multiple changes to its editorial philosophy. Prior to 1952, this publication supported the Muslim League since one of its leaders was Hamidul Haq. The Pakistan Observer harshly criticised the Muslim Leagues role when its candidate lost the Tangail by-election. The relationship between Hamidul Haq and the Muslim League deteriorated following that election. The Constitutional Basic Principles Committees report was criticised by the English newspaper in 1950. The daily was helpful in addressing the language problem as well. As reported by The New York Times on February 15, 1952, the Pakistan Observer expressed disapproval of Khawaja Nazimuddins rise to power after Liaqat Ali Khan was assassinated in an editorial titled "Crypto Fascism" on February 12, 1952, and expressed concern that the ruling party was displaying totalitarian tendencies. Because of the "anti-state" and "extraterritorial" actions of those associated with the daily, Hamidul Haq and Abdus Salam were detained and the publishing of the Pakistan Observer was prohibited (‘East Pakistan daily is Banned by Regime, 1952). Later, Abdus Salam and Hamidul Haq ran in the 1954 election and won as the United Front [the United Front was primarily a coalition of four East Bengali parties: the Ganatantri Dal, the Awami League, the Krishak Sramik Party, and the Nizam-e-Islam]. A number of tiny anti-Muslim League Parties were also represented among the candidates. A. K. Fazlul Haqs Krishak Shramik Party (KSP) was one of the Unite Fronts political parties. Hamidul Haq was appointed KSPs vice president in 1953. After the embargo was lifted by the United Front government, the Pakistan Observer resumed publication on May 9, 1954, with Abdul Gani Hazari serving as managing editor (Islam, 2002b). The Pakistan Observers office served as a focal point for United Front lawmakers at the time. However, the United Front broke up after a year or so, and in 1955, the United Front and the Muslim League in the centre formed a coalition government, with Hamidul Haq serving as the minister of foreign affairs. In 1958, he was named Finance Minister in Firoz Khan Noons administration (Baig, 2002). All of these had an impact on the Pakistan Observers news stories and editorial stance. The KSP was supported by the paper at the time. 

Personally, Hamidul Haq disagreed with Mujibs and the Awami Leagues political philosophies. In the 1950s and 1960s, this perspective on the paper was also prevalent. On October 27, 1958, Aiub Khan assumed full authority following the declaration of martial law on October 7 and issued the "Election Bodies Disqualification Order, 1959 (EBDO)". 3978 East Pakistani politicians were denied the ability to participate in politics under the EBDO. That was the case with Hamidul Haq. Due to its outspoken opposition to the inequalities between Pakistans two wings, the Pakistan Observer was blacklisted and denied government and semi-government advertising in the early 1960s (Alam, 2002). On October 4, 1962, the National Democratic Front (NDF) was founded as a campaign to restore democracy. From 1964 to 1969, Hamidul Haq served as the NDFs treasurer (Baig, 2002). The newspaper did not support the Awami Leagues Six-point Program, while publishing a variety of news articles, editorials, and sub-editorials about the differences between East and West Pakistan. The students involvement in political activism during the 1969 mass uprising was even criticised by the Pakistan Observer in many news articles. After being released from prison in the Agartala Case, Mujib listed the names of a few uncooperative individuals for whom he was unable to carry out the Six-point Program. Among them was Hamidul Haq (Roy, 2009). During Pakistans 1970 election, the Pakistan Observer was a significant player. According to an analysis of the Pakistan Observers news articles, the dailys anti-Awami League stance made it supportive of the NAP (Bhashani). It never supported any actions that might impede the advancement of democracy and was always supportive of elections.

The Insaf

"Insaf" signifies "justice." In mid-June 1950, the Insaf was established. It was owned by Abdul Latif Siddique, a zamindar of Baliati Dacca. Under Mohiuddin Ahmeds editorship, the periodical was released by the Baliati Printing Press, located at 137 Bangshal Road. K. G. Mostofa, one of the progressive journalists and left-wing political activists, Hasan Hafizur Rahman, Mustafa Nurul Islam, and A. B. M. Musa were involved with the paper from the start (Dhar, 1985). The Language Movement was actively participated in by the Insaf. It backed the position of the Language Movement Council, which was established in March 1948 (Anwar, 2002). Journalists from this publication were later admitted as council members as well. The Muslim League governments policy of writing Bangla in Arabic letters was vehemently criticised by the paper. The newspaper issued several reports, editorials, and sub-editorials after the events of February 21, 1952, in which it harshly criticised the actions of the Muslim League government at the time. Aside from the audacious strategy, the financial crisis prevented the Insaf from continuing its voyage. The papers publishing eventually came to an end when the majority of its journalists left. 

The Sangbad

Sangbad implies “news”. On May 17, 1951, Giasuddin Ahmed, a merchant, released The Sangbad. Its ownership had changed several times during the Pakistani era, which had an impact on the dailys editorial stance. Giasuddin Ahmed purchased the Jindegi newspaper and began publishing it under a new name and perspective. Nasiruddin Ahmed, his younger brother, served as the papers general secretary and publisher. The East Pakistan Press, located at 263 Bangshal Road, printed and published the paper. It cost two anna (16 anna means 1 taka) at first and was published in six pages. Its inauguration was attended by Mawlana Bhashani. Journalists Abdur Gaffar Chowdhury, K. G. Mostafa, and Johur Hossain Chowdhury worked for the Sangbad, which was first edited by Khairul Kabir. Their goal was to publish a liberal and impartial daily. Following the 1947 partition, the Sangbad was the first daily to utilise the Bangla name. The Sangbad launched a special page for women called "Mohila Pata [Womens Page]" for the first time in Daccas daily newspaper history. That page was edited by Laila Samad (Dhar, 1985). "Khelaghar" was another eye-catching feature page in the paper. The sections first editor was Habibur Rahman, a poet and young writer (Islam 2002c).

In the Pakistani era, it was not uncommon for one newspaper to disparage and attack another that had a different political philosophy. The Muslim League-supporting Azad and Morning News denounced the Sangbads Bangla name as being associated with Hindu rites and sacraments when it first began publishing. "Sangbad" is a true Bangla name, according to an editorial written by Jahur Hossain Chowdhury, associate editor of the Sangbad. He added that there might not be anything wrong with the name Sangbad if dog racing, as practiced by Khawaja Nuruddin, the proprietor of the Morning News, was permitted in an Islamic nation like Pakistan. Johur Hossain Chowdhury added that Mawlana Akrom Kha, the leader of the Muslim League, even published a newspaper in Bangla called Sebok [Servent] (Haider, 2010). 

Within a few months, the daily began to suffer from a financial problem, despite the fact that it was enhanced by the context of writers and their articles. Through Khairul Kabir, the Central Muslim League purchased the daily. It was agreed that Prime Minister Liakat Ali Khan, East Bengal Chief Minister Nurul Amin, and Dinajpur Muslim League Leader Abdullah Hel Baki would serve on the trustee board that would oversee the newspaper (Jahan, 2008). The assassination of Liakat Ali Khan on October 16, 1951, ultimately prevented the trustee board from being constructed. Following the incident, Nurul Amin assumed general leadership of the Sangbad, and the newspaper started to back the Muslim League. It had a detrimental effect on the Language Movement. The dailys circulation dropped to 500 at one point. This state of affairs persisted until the 1954 provincial election. The Sangbad backed the Muslim League in the election. 

Under Ahamedul Kabirs leadership, the newspaper attempted to rise after the 1954 election. Khairul Kabir left the newspaper to begin his profession as a banker, and Jahur Hossain Chowdhury took over as editor. The daily became a haven for left-wing activists in the days following the election. Many Communist Party leaders, in particular, who were freed from prison but had nowhere to dwell in Dacca, spent a considerable amount of time in a room or on the Sangbads roof. Over time, some Communist Party leaders, including Satyen Sen, Ronesh Dasgupta, and Santash Gupta, became journalists for the newspaper (Haider, 2010). When Ahamedul Kabir and Nasiruddin Ahmed became managing directors of the newly established "The Sangbad Limited" in 1956, the ownership of the daily underwent yet another transition. Syed Nuruddin and Johur Hossain were appointed directors. Johur Hossain served on the executive committee of the Awami League, and the daily turned into a party supporter. When Johur Hossain and Ahamedul Kabir joined Bhasanis National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957, the daily once more altered its editorial stance. After a few years, they began to back a different NAP faction headed by Professor Muzaffor Ahmed. After the NAP formally split in 1967, the Sangbad became the spokesperson for Muzaffor (Hasan, 2014). 

The Sangbad was given a show-cause notice by the government during the Aiyub regime for disseminating information about political unrest and taking preventative measures against the students. The authorities also placed the newspaper on a blacklist and placed some limitations on its ability to publish news. In the 1960s, the newspaper actively supported the anti-Aiyub movement, the Six-point Program, and provincial autonomy. Throughout the mass uprising of 1969, it consistently highlighted the coordinated efforts of many political parties. Following Asads passing, the newspaper covered every story pertaining to the anti-Aiyub movement and harshly criticised the governments participation. The Sangbad backed the NAP in the 1970 election, which was headed by Professor Muzaffor Ahmed. Ahamedul Kabir, the managing director of the newspaper, ran as a NAP candidate in that election (Jahan, 2008). Bhashani was criticised in various news articles for not taking part in the 1969 popular uprising. The Awami League was also chastised by the daily for not wanting to form a coalition with the NAP (Muzaffor). 

The Millat

Millat implies nation, religion, or faith. The Millat was published in Dacca in June 1952. Eusuf Ali Chowdhury (Mohon Mia), a prominent Muslim League leader at the time, founded it. Former Calcutta-based Ittefaq news editor Mohammad Modabber joined as an editor. Kamal Brothers Printing Works, located at 17 Court House Street in Dacca, printed and published the paper. Several well-known journalists worked for the daily, including Sirajuddin Hussain, Ahamedur Rahman, Mustafa Nurul Islam, Sikandar Abu Zafar, Sanaullah Nuri, Kamal Lohani, and Abdur Gaffar Chowdhury. Mohon Mia, the papers owner, was expelled out of the Muslim League because of his personal feud with Nurul Amin. Together with Mohon Mia, this incident affected the papers editorial stance, causing it to become anti-Muslim League (Haider, 2010). 

Throughout the Language Movement, the Millat was actively involved. It criticized the killings of 21 February. The newspaper backed the United Front in the 1954 election. Mohon Mia became a member of the Krishak Sromik Party during that election. The 1956 constitution was endorsed in the publication. When it came to foreign affairs, it backed the left-wing worldview. When Tofazzal Hossain purchased the Millat prior to 1958, the ownership of the daily was once more altered. The newspaper supported the Awami League at that time. After Aiyub Khan imposed martial law in 1958, the dailys production eventually ceased (Maksud, 1994).

The Ittefaq

Ittefaq is a word for harmony. Throughout Pakistans history, the Ittefaq was the sole newspaper dedicated to Bengali nationalism. It was established as a weekly on August 15, 1949, and Mawlana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani served as its leader. Following 1947, the majority of Daccas newspapers had some sort of affiliation with the Muslim League, the countrys ruling party. Bhasani used the weekly Ittefaq as the opposition Awami Leagues spokesperson in the case. At a meeting held at the Dacca Bar Library, he spoke his opinions, and the members contributed a total of 400 Taka. 179 was its registration number. The daily was first published from the Awami Muslim League office, which was situated at 77 Malitola in Dacca. Later, 94 Nawabpur became the new location for the office. As its founder, Bhashanis name appeared at the top of the front page. A copy of the weekly cost two anna each. The weekly subscription fee was Taka 8 for the year, 4 for the half-year, and 2 for the quarter. At the bottom of the page was the subscription rate. Yar Mohammad Khan, Abu Zafar Shamsuddin, and Muzaffar Ahmed were among the well-known journalists who served as the weeklys editor after Mawlana Bhasani. At that time, Tofazzal Hosssain served as the Awami Leagues executive and office secretary (Haider, 2010). The weeklys publishing was halted three times between 1949 and 1951. On August 14, 1951, the weekly Ittefaq began publication for the fourth time, with Tofazzal Hossain serving as editor. The weekly had a circulation of around 40,000 at the time (Mukul, 1993).

On December 24, 1953, the weekly began publishing as a daily under the control of Tofazzal Hossain. In addition, he remained the dailys editor. He broke all ties with Bhasani and became a supporter of the Awami League group led by Hssain Shaheed Suhrawardy. The Ittefaq harshly criticised Bhasanis and other communist leaders positions on various matters later in the 1960s. In an editorial from the Ittefaqs early days, Tofazzal Hossain somehow praised Chinas progress, despite the publications support for the pro-US foreign policy. Former weekly Ittefaq publisher Yar Mohammad Khan was a supporter of left-wing ideologies. On May 14, 1954, Tofazzal Hossain registered his own name as the proprietor of the daily Ittefaq in place of Yar Mohammad Khan with the help of A. K. Fazlul Haq (Ahad, 2004).

At first, the Paramount Press, located at 9 Hatkhola Road in Dacca, printed and published the daily. Tofazzal Hossain founded the Ittefaqs headquarters and press in 1958 after buying a home at 1 Ramkrishono Mission Road, Dacca. On June 15, 1958, the newspaper began publishing from this press (Mukul, 2022). Under the alias "Mosafir" [Stranger], Tofazzal Hossain Mias post editorial column "Rajnoitik Moncha [Political Platform]" became very well-liked by its readers. "Rajnoitik Halchal" [Political Circumstances] and "Monche Nepotthe" [Behind the Scenes] were two more well-liked columns written under the same pseudonym. In addition to Tofazzal Hossain, Ahamedur Rahmans post-editorial, "Mithekora" [Moderately Strong], written under the pen name "Vimrul" [Hornet], also became quite well-known. The Ittefaq was a major factor in favour of the United Front in the 1954 election. The daily firmly backed 21 points and was particularly critical of the Muslim Leagues failure as a government party. It was critical of the 1956 constitution. The daily protested Aiyub Khans military administration and the Press and Publication Acts passage in 1961. The Ittefaq advocated regional autonomy based on the Six-point Program and opposed communal disturbances. In many editorials, sub-editorials, and news articles throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the newspaper sharply criticised the actions of left-wing parties and their leaders. The daily during the time criticized communalism and the actions of several right-wing political groups, including Jamat-e-Islam and Nezam-e-Islam. 

The paper was often banned by the autocratic leadership in Pakistan because to its audacious style. On September 24, 1954, the central Muslim League administration censored the Ittefaq for the first time under the Public Safety Act. Aiyub Khan prohibited the papers publishing in the 1960s from June 17 to July 11 and again from July 17 until February 9, 1969. Two of Manik Mias publications, the Dacca Times and the Purbani and the New Nation Printing Press, were also seized in addition to the Ittefaq. Further-more, Tofazzol Hossain was repeatedly imprisoned by the government. On February 10, 1969, the paper was relaunched once more. Following Tofazzal Hossains passing on June 1, 1969, Sirajuddin Hossain took over as the dailys editor in June 1969 (Mukul, 1993). The Ittefaq backed the Awami League and its Six-point Program-based campaign during the 1970 election. For fifteen years, Tofazzal Hossain served as the Ittefaqs editor. He had to deal with the harsh resistance of the ruling party throughout his time there. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardys tenure as prime minister for the thirteenth month was the lone exception. In the 1960s, Tofazzal Hossain and the Ittefaq bravely supported regional autonomy in East Bengal, parliamentary democracy, non-communalism, and Bengali nationalism in general (Jahan, 2008).

The Ittehad (Bhasani)

Under the leadership of Mawlana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, the Ittehad [unity] was established on March 2, 1955. Its first editor was Kazi Mohammad Idris. The paper endorsed Bhasanis left-wing and non-imperialist views. Idris Ali printed and released it from the Patla Kha Lane Eden Press. Due to a financial difficulty, Yar Mohammad Khan took over control of the newspaper within a year. The newspaper office was moved to a new residence on Norendra Basak Lane by the new owner. When Bhasani advocated for deeper ties with China and opposed Suhrawardys pro-American foreign policy, the paper backed him (Jahan, 2008). Seven years after its founding, the Ittehad eventually stopped publishing (Haider, 2010). 

The Dainik Pakistan

Dainik translates to "daily." On November 6, 1964, the National Press Trust launched the Bangla daily Dainik Pakistan. In 1964, Aiyub Khan established the Trust with the goal of influencing the printing industry. At the same time, he had reservations about using publications to legitimise his autocratic rule. Some members of Pakistans 22 wealthiest families were involved in the formation of the National Press Trust. One can list Dawood, Adamjee, and Fancy among them. The Trust elected Jamiluddin Ali as its secretary and Akhter Hossain Chowdhury as its chairman. It was agreed that the Trusts members, who were primarily businessmen, would purchase the rights to various newspapers. In accordance with the decision, they purchased shares of eight different newspapers and deposited taka 1.5 core in the bank. In this sense, the Morning News, a right-wing newspaper, was taken over by National Press Trust.

Doinik Pakistan, a Bangla newspaper, was printed and distributed at Pak Art Mudranaloy, located at 50 Tipu Sultan Road in Dacca. Ahsan Ahmed Ashok, a Trust member and poet who speaks Urdu, was appointed managing director. Abul Kalam Samsuddin, a former editor of the Azad, became an editor of the publication. He spent 23 years (1940–1962) as an editor of the Azad before leaving the position because he disagreed with the ruling class (Jahan, 2008). From the start, the paper employed informal language. Progressive journalists and figures such as Mozammel Haq, poet Shamsur Rahman, Sanaullah Nuri, and poet Hasan Hafizur Rahman were affiliated with the newspaper despite the fact that it was owned by the government. Since the daily was owned by the government, it was practically difficult for it to run any editorials or news articles supporting the Six-point Program, province autonomy, or Bengali nationalism. The story, which was significant for Bengali nationalism but received no coverage from others, was delicately reported by the daily since the majority of its journalists opposed the policies of the Pakistani government. The dailys audacious strategy was evident since student leader Asads passing on January 20, 1969. It harshly criticised the law enforcement agencys strategy. The paper covered many Awami League gatherings during the 1970 election and published findings by preceding them with various adjectives. By printing Bangabandhus words, the daily indirectly supported the Awami Leagues electoral campaign.

The Purbadesh

The term Purbadesh signifies Eastern Country. Similar to the Pakistan Observer, Hamidul Haq Chowdhury owned the Purbadesh, a Bangla newspaper. Thus, it shares an ideological perspective with the Pakistan Observer. The weekly Pallibarta [Village News] was the previous name of the publication. The weekly Pallibarta was edited by Mahbubul Haq and published from Feni. With Mahbubul Haq serving as the editor, Hamidul Haq included the daily in the Observer Group in 1962. Weekly Pallibarta began publishing as a daily on August 14, 1969, under the new name Purbadesh. Together with its owner, Hamidul Haq, and editor, Mahbubul Haq, the paper did not subscribe to the mainstream philosophy of Bengali nationalism. Before the 1970 election, the Purbadesh regularly published a column called "Tritiyo Mot" [Third Opinion], in which they harshly and repeatedly denounced the actions of the Awami League and Mujib. Aside from this unfavourable stance, the news-paper actively opposed government discrimination following the cyclone on November 12, 1970 (Haider, 2010).

The Dainik Sangram

"Sangram" means "struggle." The Dainik Sangram, a right-wing, pro-Jamat-e-Islam weekly, began public-cation on February 17, 1970. Its controlling directors were Faiyaj Ahmed and Korban Ali. Akhter Farukh was a lecturer at Quaid-i-Azam College and the editor of the Dainik Sangram. He believed in severe religious practices and was a fanatic. Motiur Rahman, a war criminal, worked in the dailys literature section. From the start, the daily, which served as a spokesperson for East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islam, had a communal mindset that ran counter to Bengali nationalisms tenets (Haider, 2010).

The newspaper, which served as a spokesperson for the right-wing political organisation Jamat-e-Islam, reported on the partys 1970 election campaign. It also published a lot of news articles and editorials criticising the actions of the Awami League and its leaders. In an article published on November 10, 1970, The Dainik Songram commended Bhashani for his love for unified Pakistan in his election speech on television, despite the fact that the Bhashani-led NAP was a left-wing party that supported Peaking. In a subsequent story on December 14, 1970, the paper questioned the validity of the 1970 election due to Jamat-e-Islams poor performance. It made a comparison between the election-related corruption and Aiyub Khans rule. Because of its anti-Awami League stance, it may be concluded from examining the Sangrams news items that some of them were comparable to those of the Purbadesh, the Pakistan Observer, and the Sangbad.

Following the establishment of Pakistan, there was a spontaneous flow of publishing newspapers from Dacca. Due to political and economic concerns, the majority of newspapers proprietors changed several times during the aforementioned period (1947–70). For financial reasons, the ownership of the Sangbad had changed several times. However, for political reasons, the Ittehad, the Pakistan Observer, and the Ittefaq suffered greatly. In this time period the Azad played a contentious and "twofaced" role. The Pakistan Observers and the Purbadeshs news stories and editorial stance reflected Hamidul Haqs opposition to the Awami Leagues political philosophy and support for United Pakistan. In the 1960s, Professor Muzaffor Ahmeds NAP was promoted by the left-wing daily Sangbad. Throughout Pakistans history, the Ittefaq was the only daily dedicated to Bengali nationalism based on the six-point program and regional autonomy. The government-owned Daiknik Pakistan tactfully published the news reports due to the presence of few progressive journalists, which was significant for Bengali nationalism. The Dainik Sangram was a right-wing publication that opposed East Bengals regional autonomy and served as a spokesperson for Jamat-e-Islami. 

Following Pakistans formation, the Muslim League administration implemented a number of policies to control publications with divergent viewpoints. The same policy was maintained under Aiyub Khan. To regulate the printing media, he enforced a number of ordinances. The Ittefaq and its editor, Tofazzal Hossain, were subjected to the harsh hostility of the Aiyub dictatorship, particularly during the 1960s. In order to gain power and use newspapers to support his authoritarian reign, the Aiyub dictatorship established the National Press Trust at the same time. Since the majority of the owners and publishers were politically active, it may be concluded that one of the factors impeding the growth of the newspaper industry in East Pakistan between 1947 and 1970 was the absence of democracy.

Sincere gratitude is extended to all of the scholars whose work has been enhanced and advanced by their contributions and research efforts. This paper would not have been finished without the institutional support of the University of Asia Pacific, for which the author is also thankful. 

The author declares no conflicts of interest.